I. GLOBALIZATION AND MIGRATION PROCESSES
Galstyan M.V., To Stay Or to Leave? Exploring the Socio-Cultural Issue of Potential Emigration from Аrmenia,
HAIA, 2024, № 6, p. 8-23.
The issue of emigration from Armenia, in terms of its causes, security implications, economic aspects, and demographic consequences, stands as a thoroughly examined subject in academic literature. Both Armenian and Western scholars primarily examine this issue through the lens of economic factors encompassing “retaining”, “push” and “pull” factors within sending and receiving countries.
This article delves into the discourse surrounding the socio-cultural factors that underlie emigration. By doing so, it aims to reevaluate and potentially reshape existing paradigms. Recognizing the importance of understanding socio-cultural and psychological triggers behind emigration for identification and prediction, this article draws upon cultural theories on migration from Western sociology. Within this context, we emphasize the concept of cumulative causality, which posits that each instance of migration increases the likelihood of attracting new migrants and cultivating migration traditions within communities. We also explore social network theories. Drawing upon research findings, we analyze the viewpoints of survey participants concerning their satisfaction with legal, security, self-realization, educational, and social institutions within Armenia, as well as their aspirations for the future. These factors play a pivotal role in shaping the reasons for potential future emigration. To address the question, “Are you currently considering relocating abroad for residential purposes?” we categorize the responses of those interested in leaving Armenia based on gender, age, education, language proficiency, financial well-being, family status, social networks, preferred destination countries, intent to emigrate with family or alone, anticipated departure dates, and current place of residence (urban or rural). This analysis facilitates the identification of potential migrants and specific groups within Armenia’s population harboring aspirations to emigrate.
The article is based on the data collected in 2021 through surveys conducted among 639 households in 20 urban and 37 rural settlements across all regions of Armenia, which provided information on 1,259 migrants settled abroad. Additionally, 29 experts were consulted. To provide updated context, in 2023, 13 in-depth interviews were conducted.
Tanajyan L.A., The Experience of Integration of Ethnic Armenian and Non-Armenian Immigrants in Аrmenia: Comparative Aspects,
HAIA, 2024, № 6, p. 24-36.
Armenia has historically been characterized by active flows of population, which broadly affect the permanent population and lead to complicated social processes. On the territory of Armenia, such flows have been both in the form of large ”waves” and in the form of perpetually flowing displacements.
Over the last century, such examples include repatriation flows to Armenia, forced displacement immigration flows as a result of collapses and wars, and the small-scale but ongoing resettlement immigration that continues to the present day.
In social research, the study of Armenian immigrants is always at the center of attention, as the vast majority of immigrants are ethnic Armenians. However, along with Armenian immigrants, there has always been a flow of other-ethnic immigrants at different times with varying intensities.
In recent years, the Republic of Armenia has experienced a significant migration inflow of foreign migrants from Russia, Ukraine, and Belarus, as well as from Lebanon and other countries. By immigrating, they complement the mosaic of foreign immigrants who have already established themselves in Armenia. These changes continue to influence the current social situation in Armenia.
In the case of Armenia, these processes are significant not only from a demographic or economic investment perspective but also from a socio-cultural point of view. The aim of this paper is to show the experience of integration of foreign and Armenian (in particular, from the Russian Federation) immigrants through comparative analyses. For this purpose, the following research questions were suggested: what problems and difficulties were encountered by immigrants in Armenia, how did the adaptation processes take place, and what are the differences in the perceptions of foreign and Armenian immigrants about Armenia as a host country?
The article is based on the materials received within the framework of the project “Experience of Social Integration of Foreign Immigrants in Armenia”. The research data was collected through methods of document analysis, in-depth interviews, and expert interviews.
Nersisyan S.A., Armenia in the Perceptions of Russian Immigrants,
HAIA, 2024, № 6, p. 37-48.
Only in 2022 and 2023, more immigrants moved to Armenia from Russia than in the previous 10 years taken together. The national composition of those who moved mainly included Russians, Ukrainians, Belarusians, Armenians, etc., who came to Armenia for various purposes, in many cases transferring their financial resources and capital.
Having a common historical past, foreign immigrants from Russia see a certain security in the Armenian social environment. The vast majority of them profess Christianity, and the language is understandable for communication with the locals. From the point of view of adaptation and integration, this group has certain advantages. However, among the immigrants moved from Russia, different groups are distinguished, each of which was studied in a separate phase. Thus, within the framework of the project “The Experience of Social Integration of Foreign Immigrants in Armenia: Situation and Developments – 22YR-6A037”, we conducted a research of Russian immigrants in Armenia, particularly with the group of immi-grants who moved to Armenia due to military mobilization in Russia.
As a result of migration, a number of questions arise both among immigrants and the host society, but in the framework of this article, we will focus on the immigrants’ perceptions of the host country and society.
The results of the research are remarkable in several aspects. first, that the informants either had no idea about Armenia, or had a distorted idea through mediated information, their real perceptions fit into several myths. The latter will be presented in detail in the article. This article uses the results of the research, which were obtained with a representative sample, through semi-structured interviews with 20 Russian immigrants who moved to Armenia between March 2022 and July 2023.
Barseghyan S.S., Main Issues of Armenia’s Repatriation Policy in the Context of Contemporary Realities,
HAIA, 2024, № 6, p. 49-63.
Nation-states include or exclude certain groups or individuals into the state through migration policies, legal regulations and citizenship laws, and other means, transforming the boundaries of the nation and national identity. Repatriation has a special place in the regulation of migration flows, which is one of the forms of immigration encouraged and supported by the state. In international law the policy of repatriation is considered as the implementation of one of the fundamental human rights – the “right of return”, to move to a territory of country that he considers his homeland. Currently several dozen countries are implementing repatriation poli-cies or have developed legislative regulations for this process.
Repatriation is especially important for developing countries with diaspora population. It’s also significant to engage the human, social and financial capital of the diaspora in Armenia for the country’s development. If for other countries the main goal of repatriation may be ensure the dominance of the titular nation in the ethnic and/or religious composition of the state or political significance, then for Armenia – as a mono-ethnic country the main tasks of repatriation can be considered mainly from the point of view of national security and demographic, economic, social, and cultural development. However, the seemingly simple process of returning to a “place of origin” or homeland (ethnic homeland) is itself difficult to define and requires policies, legal frameworks and integration programs.
The purpose of the presented article is to comprehensively analyze main issues of the repatriation policy of the Republic of Armenia in the context of the realities occurring in Armenia, the Armenian diaspora and the globalized world. The study examines possible scenarios for repatriation from the Armenian diaspora in various circumstances, intentions for repatriation, perceptions of the homeland and nation-state in various communities, opportunities and obligations for repatriation in Armenia, as well as other factors that are important in determining the main directions of repatriation policy. The study was based on data from quantitative and qualitative research conducted in Armenian communities by the Department of Diaspora Studies of the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography NAS RA, analysis of policy documents and discourse, as well as desk research.
II. IMMIGRANTS AND DISPLACED PEOPLE. THE SOCIAL-CULTURAL LANDSCAPE OF ARMENIA
Hakobyan G.L., “Aleppo Market” As a Micro-Model of the Entrepreneurial Activity of Syrian-Armenians,
HAIA, 2024, № 6, p. 66-77.
In 2011, as a consequence of the civil war in Syria, a part of the Syrian Armenian population immigrated to Armenia. They used to live in a different system of socio-economic relations, and after moving to a completely new environment, they had to adapt in order to begin activities in Armenia and continue their lives.
In this article we have discussed the business activities of Syrian Armenians in Yerevan, ten years after they moved, considering the activities unfolding in the “Aleppo market” as an example. “Aleppo market” was created in 2014–2015.
The research was carried out with qualitative methodology, applying the methods of document (electronic press) analysis, observation, and in-depth interviews. Based on the results of our study, it can be said that the “Aleppo market” is considered the micro-model of the entrepreneurial activity of Syrian Armenians in Yerevan. 1) It includes the main areas of their business activities. 2) The entrepreneurial activity of Syrian Armenians is considered the main source of income for their families. 3) Most of them do not have their own territory to carry out economic activities; they work on a rental basis. 4) In most cases, several family members are involved in the economic activity; hence, family businesses are created. 5) Over time, they expand and stabilize the circle of customers; they also involve local workers in the business. 6) Syrian Armenians have overcome the problems of not knowing the tax and customs legislation and the obstacles of adapting to the Armenian business environment. 7) Activities concentrated in one place contribute to the preservation and reproduction of their group identity.
Atanesyan G.H., Authencity Discourse and Staged Heritage in Post-Soviet Armenian Tourism Practices,
HAIA, 2024, № 6, p. 78-88.
This paper examines the authenticity discourse and “staged” heritage tourism practices in post-Soviet Armenia. In the last decade, key agents in Armenian cultural tourism sector have begun to integrate authentic cultural heritage markers into local tourism destinations, creating “staged” authentic tourism experiences for tourists. However, Armenia’s local tourism offering continues to fall short of foreign tourists’ demand for an authentic tourism experience. In the last few years, especially due to the active efforts from Russian tourists and Russian tourism experts, entertainment bloggers and tour guides who relocated to the Republic of Armenia as a result of the Russian-Ukrainian war, the authenticity discourse has been activated in the Armenian tourism space. These agents have begun to take an active role in the process of rethinking Armenia’s local tourism, giving priority to the authentic tourist experiences.
Tigranyan A.H., Restrictions on Participation in the Cultural Life of Violently Displaced Armenians by Azerbaijan: the Example of Artsakh’s Hadrut Region,
HAIA, 2024, № 6, p. 89-111.
This article has addressed the realization of cultural rights for the Artsakh Armenians forcibly displaced from the Hadrut region as a result of the 44-day war of 2020, focusing on the obstacles to preserving intangible heritage. Approximately 13,000 residents were displaced from Hadrut and its 48 settlements, facing numer-ous humanitarian and socio-economic challenges, including the deprivation of their fundamental right to culture.
Based on in-depth and focus group interviews conducted in Syunik, Gegharkunik, Vayots Dzor, Kotayk, Shirak marzes of the RA, and Yerevan, as well as a review of international legal and theoretical materials, this research identifies the myriad issues faced by the indigenous people of Hadrut due to the restriction of their cultural rights. By halting the re-creation of intangible cultural values and disrupting the community life of the Artsakh people, Azerbaijan has directly attacked their cultural rights, damaging collective identity and continuity.
The findings indicate that the displaced Hadrut residents in Armenia experience significant negative consequences, including the inability to fully preserve their cultural identity, community life, and family customs and traditions. They face obstacles to realizing both individual and collective cultural rights, encompassing the ability to communicate, participate in, and contribute to cultural values. The destruction of historical cemeteries and ancestral memories, alongside the threat to the continuity of Hadrut’s regional dialects, underscores the gravity of their cultural loss.
The obliteration of Hadrut’s cultural communities has also resulted in the loss of significant intangible cultural heritage linked to the natural landscape and community of Artsakh. This includes traditional practices such as making “jengyal” bread, “kurkut”, “khashil”, “kachap soup”, “round gata”, and the distillation of mulber-ry “doshab”. The destruction of these practices has disrupted community life and posed challenges to preserving cultural integrity.
Holidays, integral to the lifestyle of Hadrut’s residents and typically celebrated in conjunction with tangible cultural structures (e.g., Kataro Monastery, Gtchavank, Spitak Khach Monastery), can no longer be observed in their traditional form. The displacement has also halted non-material handicraft practices, including carpet making, tonir baking, barrel making, woodworking, blacksmithing, pottery, and cultural festivals associated with intangible values such as wine and grape traditions, painting, and national traditional games.
International laws, including the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the UN International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, and various UNE-SCO regulations, document that among the effects of forced displacement, the most destructive is the obstruction of a group’s cultural rights and the impact on their heritage. This particularly affects the ability of individuals and communities to access and preserve their cultural heritage in both material and non-material forms. Consequently, the obstruction of the right to culture deprives future generations of Hadrut Armenians of the opportunity for self-recognition and development.
Through a comprehensive examination of these issues and an analysis of international norms, the article highlights the urgent need for comprehensive strategies to protect the cultural rights and heritage of displaced populations. Addressing these challenges requires concerted efforts at the international, national, and community levels to ensure the cultural survival and continuity of the displaced Hadrut Armenians. The research underscores that protecting cultural rights is crucial for maintaining collective identity, continuity, and the overall well-being of displaced communities.
III. EDUCATION AND GLOBALIZATION
Ohanjanyan R.S., Some Issues of Changing Trends in Professional Cultural Values in the Context of Globalization in the Republic of Аrmenia,
HAIA, 2024, № 6, p. 114-123.
According to the most widespread approaches, globalization is a process of cross-integration of political, economic, cultural, social, and other spheres of life among different countries. Our task was to discuss the influences of the globalization processes taking place in the field of professional culture of the Republic of Armenia. There are many areas of professional culture: printed products, music, performing arts, and fine arts. The comprehensive study of those areas is quite complicated. Therefore, a limited number of indicators were selected to understand the global-ization process. The selected indicators are the production and the scope of the dissemination of foreign literary values among the population of the Republic of Armenia. They have been viewed from an ethnic perspective, by analyzing the quantitative picture of the countries of origin representing these values. Despite the conditions of strict censorship existing in the Soviet years, a significant amount of work was done towards translating literary values. Only in 1979, 753 print units were published in the Armenian language, 265 of which were translations (4926,3 (in thousands) print copies). For the purpose of outlining the trends of change, Volume C of the trilogy “The Armenian Translational Literature” by the RA Na-tional Library and the National Book Chamber of Armenia was analyzed. 1231 print units of translational literature are listed under the chapter “Fiction and Literary Studies” presenting the time period of 2011-2020. We were able to study only 200 of them- based on the source language of the translated units. Translations were carried out from 16 languages. Meanwhile, some translations from English and Rus-sian were the already translated works of the authors representing other countries. These facts indicate that Armenia’s integration processes in the global cultural life have expanded. However, it is also important to compare the volumes of value production and consumption. In the Soviet years, the circulation number of print products was high. Nevertheless, one could acquire those books only from the grey market or in other alternative ways. For example, the circulation of Nodar Dumbadze’s books was 20.000. The consumption of fiction has decreased. The data of our mass research was also compared according to the chronological perspective of the writers’ ratings, as a result of which it was revealed that the vast majority of the population mentions the works of classical writers, and very few mention the names of both foreign and Armenian contemporary writers. The changing tendencies of each of these phenomena have specific reasons, for example: increas-ing tension in lifestyle and work, a wider range of facilities and opportunities for spending free time, the development of information technologies, the operation of institutional structures, especially the educational system, inter-ethnic communi-cation, etc.
Angelush L.M., Language Policy of the Republic of Armenia in Modern Conditions,
HAIA, 2024, № 6, p. 124-138.
The development of language and society not only excludes but also implies the possi-bility and necessity of conscious influence on language. The article’s goal is to present the language policy that the Republic of Armenia currently uses as part of its overall state policy. The presentation of the following problems was highlighted during the research:
The relevance of the study of trends in the development of the language situation is due to the changes taking place in the social structure of the world community: active migration processes, access to information, and mutual relations of social communities in the economic, political, and cultural spheres.
In this context, it is more important to understand the flexibility of the laws governing language relations, the opportunities created for the development of knowledge of foreign languages, and the problems and issues of preserving the native language. The theoretical basis of the work is the presentation of the term “language policy”.
The methods of document analysis and expert interviews were used for research. There was a content analysis of laws regulating language policy that summarized the difficulties of applying these laws in the modern period. Expert interviews were conducted with representatives of the structures that regulate the language policy in Armenia, based on which modern tendencies, principles, and problems of the development of the language policy of the Republic of Armenia were presented.
Vardanyan M.A., Globalization Discourse in the Armenian Mass Media։
the Context of Educational Problem,
HAIA, 2024, № 6, p. 139-156.
In the modern global world, the Republic of Armenia also forms a part of globalization processes. Social and cultural changes in the post-Soviet period have made ambiguous insights and an attitude towards the phenomenon of globalization, by making extremely relevant studies of the factors that reproduce those perceptions. In the modern world, mass media and social networks are among the most import-ant forming and distributing means of globalization discourse. As far as this work is concerned, we have given preference to the mass media, because the content produced by the media is clearly processed, controlled and has certain target groups.
The purpose of this article is to find out what kind of approach the Armenian mass media have towards globalization, how they define it and what content they spread among the public. In the report, studies of 35 articles, available on 21 websites of Armenian mass media that refer to 2003-2023, will be presented.
In the work, we give a try to find out the position of the Armenian mass media towards globalization. For our study, we have distinguished a number of measurements, which are as follows։
The research is based on Armenian, Russian and English literature focusing on interdisciplinary approaches on globalization. The methods for this research included content and discourse analysis.
Over the years, the attitude towards globalization has been changing to a neutral orientation. Until 2018, 76,4% of the websites we studied accept globalization as a negative phenomenon, 11,8% as a positive phenomenon and 11,8% as a neutral one. In particular, since 2018 a decrease towards negative orientation has been described. That decrease has formed about 32%. Armenian websites aim to post po-litical materials with more “sharp” titles to ensure a wide readership, and the topic of globalization provides ample opportunities to raise “sharp” topics for society, because it is related to such traditional areas as language, family, religion, culture, etc.
IV. TRADITIONAL AND MODERN FACTORS IN SOCIAL-CULTURAL TRANSFORMATIONS
Poghosyan S.H., Clothing As a Socio-Psychological Indicator of Soviet- and Post-Soviet Armenian Society,
HAIA, 2024, № 6, p. 158-173.
1. Important aspects of the ethnological study of clothing are gender, social, psychological and aesthetic layers. The study is important in terms of considering trends in the development of traditional culture, as well as Soviet and post-Soviet clothing in various social Clothing, being an important part of everyday culture, demonstrates special features in the multi-layered Soviet society. In addition to practical significance, clothing demonstrates mental, emotional, aesthetic pref-erences, tastes, as well as perceptions and representations of the real or preferred status, desires and aspirations of the wearer.
It is very important to show the preferences of people, especially women, in relation to domestic and foreign clothing samples in the Soviet society. Equally import-ant are the manifestations of the preferences of society of a collectivist nature and the expression of the influence of common opinion and dictate in the appearance and clothing of various strata of society. In the first decades of Soviet power, official aesthetics, expression of specific features of the image of a Soviet period person modesty, practicality, comfort, monotony and universality were promoted in the manner of behavior, appearance, as well as in clothing.
2. In the 1960s-70s-80s, the desire to dress stylishly and beautifully was growing. Circumvention of some taboos, preference of foreign clothes to local factory products became noticeable. The culture of sewing or knitting clothes to order was spreading. The role and importance of clothing in a prestigious foreign style and with a branded label, though fake, was growing. In the late Soviet period, foreign-made clothing and shoes were indicators of the social and economic status of a given Among young people, they were the indicators that they looked fashionable, modern and were the followers of foreign fashion trends.
The one wearing foreign clothing – American jeans, Austrian, Italian or Yugoslav shoes and other accessories, was considered to be modern, fashionable and progressive. Young people and representatives of the wealthy strata continued to be carriers and distributors of the new and fashionable.
3. In contrast to the stability of traditional complexes of national costume, in the Soviet period women’s clothing was changeable in the conditions of comparative conservatism of the complex, formed under the influence of European men’s clothing – a three-piece suit.
Male representatives of the party elite and nomenclature wore three-piece suits: trousers, jacket, and shirt with a matching belt, tie and cufflinks. The tie became a mandatory element of the clothing of the social, party elite. Male representatives of the stage art preferred bow ties. Even nowadays, statesmen used to wear formal attire at work, at official meetings and ceremonies.
Natural fur coats, leather jackets and frequently changing clothes, which were characteristic attributes of consumer society and culture, were considered prestigious among women.
Abrahamyan H.A., Hovsepyan R.A., The Ethno-Cultural Role of Food in the Cyrcle of Migration (Preliminary Study Based on the Materials Recorded in Syunik Region, Armenia),
HAIA, 2024, № 6, p. 174-188.
Migration, being a multi-component process, is a factor in the export and spread of ethnic cultural elements. In this preliminary study, as a novelty, the migration of local food, raw materials and wild edible plants is presented with the study at fifteen settlements in Syunik, Armenia. In the course of the research, several ways of transportation of plants, agricultural products, processed foods and raw materials to the destination of the migrant’s settling place were documented: 1) a migrant from Syunik who moved abroad takes goods from Armenia with him when visits his homeland, 2) those living in Syunik send goods to their relatives who moved abroad, 3) family members or relatives living in Syunik take goods with them when visit migrants abroad, 4) migrants order goods and buy from people in Syunik engaged in plant-gathering and trage of local goods, 5) organizations engaged in import and sale of goods from Armenia are being open in the largest Armenian communities abroad, 6) foreign tourists or businessmen visiting Armenia take goods with them to abroad.
The main ways in which wild plants and agrarian products (including beverages and flavorings, often also ready dishes) are becoming known at the new country of migrant are highlighted. These are mutual visits and interactions of individuals and families (foreign neigbors, colleagues, etc.) and introduction of the traditional food of migrant’s country of origin at the educational, work or community events of the host country.
Culinary plants, flavoring plants, and a number of plants used as tea herbs are taken from wild plants and farm products, the main of which are sorrel, sickleweed, chervil, thyme, mint, wild savory, and cumin. Amongst almost ready dishes, they take pezkathan, raw materials of khashil, from pickles – pickled bokhi, chek-hthetho. They also take honey, doshab, jams, walnut, rosehip, cheese with bokhi, mulberry vodka, etc. Some foods, flavorings and teas are also used for medicinal purposes. The main directions of transportation of food products and other wild plants are the countries with the largest Armenian communities: the Russian Federation, the USA and the EU countries.
Thus, the ethno-cultural function of the food in the process of migration is realized by maintaining the connection between the migrant and its family and the manifestation of ethnic identity in a foreign environment, and the traditional dish of the migrant’s country of origin also “migrates” and becomes recognizable in the new environment.
V. DIASPORA ISSUES
Karapetyan R.S., The problem of Involving Armenians in the Community Structures of the Diaspora,
HAIA, 2024, № 6, p. 190-203.
The preservation and the reproduction of an ethnic group in the diaspora, in addition to external conditions, is largely determined by the composition, origin, country and the place of residence, the period of formation and the sociodemographic characteristics of the ethnic group. The logic of the links between the participation of the Armenians in the community activities in the various national, religious, socio-economic and cultural environments is revealed on the basis of the materials of the sociological surveys among the Armenians of Beirut, Tehran, Prague and Los Angeles.
The inclusion of the indicators presented in the final result of the study, using the example of the nature and level of self-organization of the Armenians of Diaspora, allows us to conduct a factor analysis of the situation in this ethnosocial community, to understand its prospects as a special component of the studied countries.
Galstyan N.M., Perceptions of Homeland in the Armeniam Community of
Los Angeles,
HAIA, 2024, № 6, p. 204-217.
Researchers examining diaspora-related issues have long regarded the orientation towards the homeland as a pivotal component of diaspora identity. Supporters of this perspective perceive the homeland as an idealized concept, a place to which diaspora members aspire to return continually. Some scholars posit it as a foundation for collective mobilization within the diaspora. Within this framework, the Republic of Armenia is seen as a permanent return destination for the diaspora. However, a complex question arises concerning the Los Angeles Armenian commu-nity: to what extent do its members, who hail from diverse migration backgrounds, sub-ethnic groups, and generations, and possess distinct cultural, linguistic, and religious identities, delineate the boundaries of their homeland and state?
This article, grounded in the theoretical underpinnings of the heterogeneous na-ture of the diaspora, will explore several key questions. Has the identity of the Armenian diaspora, formed over a century or more, undergone transformations? What notions do they hold regarding the homeland, and does Armenia still serve as the basis of their identity formation? Through the lens of Armenia, do they collectively perpetuate the idea of homeland, and which segments of the Los Angeles diaspora may contest this notion? How do these dynamics influence the process of returning to Armenia? The ideas presented herein can also contribute to the ongoing academic discourse on diaspora, especially for those who characterize the diaspora as a migrant group intrinsically linked to the state. Some researchers posit that the disconnect between diasporic groups and their homeland is not solely geographical but also symbolic, encompassing variations in ancestral perceptions and traditions. Establishing a connection with Armenia as the homeland may not rank high in the priorities of certain sections of the community, as they may not identify with a specific territorial origin.
The research conducted within the community reveals that perceptions of homeland are multifaceted and influenced by various factors, including the duration of residence in Los Angeles, representation across different diaspora generations, conceptions of their country of origin, individual identity, engagement in transnational community structures, and connections to various countries, among other considerations. Furthermore, these factors lead them to acknowledge not just one, but several homelands as carriers of their culture.
This article draws upon analysis of 49 in-depth interviews and 21 expert interviews conducted in both Los Angeles and Armenia during 2020-2021.
Khachaturyan N.R., Markosyan S.H., Harutyunyan M.B., Ethnoreligious Reconversion in the Context of Globalization (the Experience of the Indian, Turkish and Irish Diasporas),
HAIA, 2024, № 6, p. 218-235.
The study of ethnoreligious conversion and reconversion becomes relevant due to the changing role of religion in modern global society. If previously the religious factor was associated with the maintenance of social stability, order or, on the contrary, with social or ethnic conflicts, then in the conditions of globalization the difference in the functions performed by religion and its significant role in the social development of societies is revealed.
On the backdrop of the dynamic migration processes, the transition of religions and religious movements in the world has led to a variety of forms of religiosity, religious conversion/reconversion. So, the transition to other confessions or religions, which are not “autochthonous” for certain ethnoreligious group, is a process of religious conversion. This phenomenon is intensively studied in social and religious sciences, as well as in interdisciplinary researches. The reverse process, namely, the return to the framework of the original ethnoreligious heritage, has been little studied. The study of such mechanisms, as well as the dynamics of certain social processes within the framework of a global society, modern countries and ethnic groups with diasporas, significantly increases the research and analytical abilities of the researcher.
This work is an attempt to identify the features of the phenomenon of ethnoreligious reconversion by studying the methods to form and activate its mechanisms used by the Indian, Turkish and Irish diasporas.
VI. REPORT
Asatryan H.G., Some Modern Manifestations of Children’s Folklore,
HAIA, 2024, № 6, p. 238-246.
Когда нет письменности и письменной истории, люди «записывают» свою
историюустными
эпическими
произведениями.
Но и после
появления
письменности
армяне
продолжали
создавать
эпосы,
представляющие
исторические
эпохи.
Можно
сказать,
что вся история
Армении
была
кодирова23
Տե՛ս Սիտալ Կ., Կաշտի քաջեր. Ամերիկահայ առաջադիմական միություն, 1942;
Russell J., The Heroes of Kasht (Kašti k‘ajer): An Armenian Epic. Ann Arbor, 2000.
425
Հայ ժողովրդական
հերոսական
էպոսը
на последовательными
эпосами.
В статье утверждается,
что армянский
народный
героический
эпос должен
включать
следующие
произведения:
1)
этногонические
легенды;
2) «Випасанк
»; 3) «Персидская
война
»; 4) «Таронская
война
»; 5) «Сасунские
безумцы
»; 6) «Кер-огли
». Псевдонародные
стихи
о советских
лидерах
можно
было
бы также
рассмотреть
в этом контексте.
Архаичные
эпосы
были
созданы
согласно
конкретной
схеме
– генеалогической
последовательности
специфических
героев:
1) божественный
персонаж
или его символ;
2) божественные
близнецы
и 3) «умирающий
(и
возрождающийся)
» герой.
Образы
мифологических
и исторических
героев
были
наложены
на эти мифологические
архетипы.
Ключевые
слова:
армянский
народный
эпос, армянский
фольклор,
древнеарянская
литература,
армянская
мифология.
VII. REVIEW
Two Volumes of Haigazian Armenological Review in 2022,
HAIA, 2024, № 6, p. 248-262.
Когда нет письменности и письменной истории, люди «записывают» свою
историюустными
эпическими
произведениями.
Но и после
появления
письменности
армяне
продолжали
создавать
эпосы,
представляющие
исторические
эпохи.
Можно
сказать,
что вся история
Армении
была
кодирова23
Տե՛ս Սիտալ Կ., Կաշտի քաջեր. Ամերիկահայ առաջադիմական միություն, 1942;
Russell J., The Heroes of Kasht (Kašti k‘ajer): An Armenian Epic. Ann Arbor, 2000.
425
Հայ ժողովրդական
հերոսական
էպոսը
на последовательными
эпосами.
В статье утверждается,
что армянский
народный
героический
эпос должен
включать
следующие
произведения:
1)
этногонические
легенды;
2) «Випасанк
»; 3) «Персидская
война
»; 4) «Таронская
война
»; 5) «Сасунские
безумцы
»; 6) «Кер-огли
». Псевдонародные
стихи
о советских
лидерах
можно
было
бы также
рассмотреть
в этом контексте.
Архаичные
эпосы
были
созданы
согласно
конкретной
схеме
– генеалогической
последовательности
специфических
героев:
1) божественный
персонаж
или его символ;
2) божественные
близнецы
и 3) «умирающий
(и
возрождающийся)
» герой.
Образы
мифологических
и исторических
героев
были
наложены
на эти мифологические
архетипы.
Ключевые
слова:
армянский
народный
эпос, армянский
фольклор,
древнеарянская
литература,
армянская
мифология.