I. SITES AND FINDINGS
Vardanyan B.V., Hooks of the Bronze and Iron Ages in the Territory of the Kura-Araxes Interfluve,
HAIA, 2023, № 5, p. 8-25.
The presented paper is based on the morphological features of the hooks found at the sites of the Middle, Late Bronze and Iron Ages, on the territory of the Kura and Araxes Interfluve. Seven types of hooks have been identified and grouped according to their functional and chronological characteristics. The first type of expanding tubular hooks originates from the Middle Bronze Age tombs in Armenia. They were mainly found in the context of bronze or copper cauldrons and were interpreted as sacred objects that were used to lifi sacrificial bull meat from the cauldron during the funerals of tribal nobility. Single-horned and twin horned hooks symbolized the bull head (“bucrania”). In the Late Bronze Age, the hooks were gradually taken out of use, and the function of those was taken over by the bronze bidents.
There are burials of the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages simultaneously containing hooks, bidents and cauldrons. The second, fourth and fifih types of hooks are exclusive only for the Late Bronze Age. They may have a dual purpose. Hooks of “b” variety of the third type are decorated with sculpted bull heads and have a wooden handle. Like the Egyptian and Hittite ones, the shepherd’s crooks/scepters symbolized the power and occur exclusively from the graves of the elite. These appear at the sites dated to the Bronze Age (for example, in Avranlo, Georgia) and the Iron Age in Lori (Vanadzor), Syunik (Tolors) and Artsakh (Archadzor, Sirhovend).
Among the discussed subjects, the fishing hooks found in Zolakar (Lake Sevan basin) and Dvin (the Ararat plain) (type 7) are also worth mentioning.
Danielyan H.A., The Phenomenon of “Cyclopean” Fortresses: Case of the South Slope of the Mount Aragats,
HAIA, 2023, № 5, p. 26-36.
Among the important features of the construction of the Bronze and Iron Ages fortresses on the southern slope of Mount Aragats was the group disposition of defensive systems located at a distance of 1–2 km from each other. A large number of fortresses have been found in the studied area. These structures occupied a reatively small area. There are dwellings located on a small territory next to them, and the burial ground is spread around. This group of defensive systems fully comply with the type of É.GAL(MEŠ) – “fortresses” named in Urartian cuneiforms. Fortified settlements consist of a fortress, a citadel, tower-like structures, a settlement, and a burial ground. A citadel is a strongly fortified place of the settlement located on a hill, plateau or promontory, occupying a relatively high position in the area. Its residential complexes are located both inside it and outside, on the slopes and foothills of the hill. In Urartian cuneiform inscriptions this type of settlement is named with the ideogram URU and is characterized by a permanent population. There were the following types of settlements: URU LUGAL-nu-si – “royal city” and URU(MEŠ) – “city”. Fortified sanctuaries are few. Analyzing the surviving complexes, we can assume that they consist of a cromlech surrounded by a wall. Another type of “Cyclopean” structures are castles, which are quite few on the southern slope of Mount Aragats. Combining the above data, we can conclude that the southern slope of Mount Aragats was inhabited from the earliest stages of the development of the culture of the Bronze and Iron Ages. Cyclopean fortresses, as the main type of settlements, appear during the transitional period from the Middle to the Late Bronze Age (c. 1500 BC), and most of them refer to the Late Bronze Age (1500–1300 BC) and the Early Iron Age (1200–900 BC).
Mkrtchyan L.A., Tower-Shaped Structures Bordering the Northern Fringes of the Ararat Plain,
HAIA, 2023, № 5, p. 37-44.
More than fifiy megalithic towers have been identified in the studied area to date. The manifestation of their individual types, forms and other features, as well as their distribution area coincides with the natural landscape zone of this part.
The discussed area is a low-mountainous and dry zone of Mount Aragats (900– 1200 m), part of the Aragatsotn plateau. The territory almost has no water sources and few remains of settlements, which make it resemble a “dead zone” with numerous tombs, where visible areas are separated by stone rows with towers and platforms standing in the center. Small settlements are located in their vicinity, in the lower plane (Voskehat, Haytagh, Arshaluys), are also distinguished from these complexes by the stone rows. There are exceptionally rounded towers here on the hills, located at a distance of 3–5 km from each other. The towers were first documented exactly in this area in the 1920s, when the Committee for the Protec- tion of Monuments began to study the structures of the southern part of Aragats. Basing on the data of Aghavnadzor-1 and “Ardar David” (“Fair David”) towers, T. Toramanyan and A. Kalantar tried to document and then identify the towers as a new type of monument. Noteworthy that at first both towers were considered places of worship, but later these monuments were identified as “watchtowers” and classified as defensive structures.
Since 2013, a new stage in the study of towers has begun. The first step was to collect all archival information about the monuments (about 70 documents), 20 of which were related to the area of our interest. Afier that, in the course of field work, the structures mentioned in the documents were identified and their location was established. Using the capabilities of modern technologies, with the help of aerial photography, we managed to identify 31 monuments. Orthophotomaps, elevation and topographic maps were made on the basis of the obtained base images.
Gabrielyan A.A., Stamped Pottery of the Classical Period from Tigranakert in Artsakh,
HAIA, 2023, № 5, p. 45-56.
The stamped pottery is of a great significance for the research of the material and spiritual culture of the Classical period (I century BC – III century AD) of Tigranakert of Artsakh (the former Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous region). The ceramic assemblage includes vessels of different forms and styles, as well as elaborately decorated, black and grey polished, stamped and incised examples. The examples, decorated with stamped ornamentation make a small, but diverse group in this collection.
Distinctive examples of the stamped pottery discovered during the excavations of Tigranakert at different field seasons are black, polished goblets, phialas and fragments of bowls, decorated with stamped images of grape clusters.
The elegant execution of the design of the polished black cluster-bearing vessels, with a dense black slip and surface polishing leave an impression of lacquering. All these characteristics allow suggesting that they were used for a particular purpose.
The next group of the stamped pottery of Tigranakert is presented by potsherds with surface color that varies from light reddish-pink to ochre. They bear stamped decorations of a tree or a leaf in different positions.
Pottery with different stamped decorations had been widespread in the Armenian highlands since the Urartian period. Only a few examples of stamped pottery are known from sites of the Classical period in Armenia (Artashat, Avan, Yervan- dashat). In this context, the stamped pottery of Tigranakert is of a great importance. It reveals essential evidence regarding the trade and cultural connections, cultural innovations, and the cultural role Tigranakert played in the region in the Classical period.
Palanjyan R.S., Archaeological Finds from Vayots Dzor Related to Winemaking of the Classical Period,
HAIA, 2023, № 5, p. 57-65.
The production of vintage wines in Armenia was developed in the Hellenistic period. According to Strabo, Armenia Minor was the center of production of a famous selected wine called “Monaritos”. Archaeological discoveries demonstrate the high level of Armenian viniculture of that period. The three stone press beds discovered from the territory of Vayots Dzor are of great importance for the study of winemaking of the Classical period in Armenia. Such press beds were used in winemaking in the process of extracting juice from grapes. There is a rich collection of stone press beds from different parts of Armenia. It is noteworthy that all the examples found in Armenia were discovered from the regions with developed winemaking. Most probably, stone press beds discovered from Vayots Dzor func- tioned like other similar equipment. The grapes were placed on the press bed and squeezed through the lever press. An analysis of ancient written sources reveals that the power of the lever press was mainly used to make wine from raisins. For that purpose, the grapes were dried in the sun to the point of dehydration, and were pressed then. Raisin wines were in high demand in the international market. Therefore, it was quite profitable to produce those in Armenia, because the high – quality Armenian grapes could yield excellent wine.
Mirijanyan D.H., Armenian Medieval Sarcophagi,
HAIA, 2023, № 5, p. 66-75.
Armenian medieval burial structures are divided into several types, among which stone sarcophagi have special significance. They are widespread especially in the Early Middle Ages, and in the subsequent centuries they are very rare.
In the historical sources there are numerous evidences about burying sacred relics in sarcophagi. Numerous sarcophagi were discovered during archaeological excavations, but these have never been discussed in scientific literature in detail. By volume all sarcophagi are almost the same, but the detailed structural explorations allow us to divide them into several types.
The present article is an attempt to systemize all the sarcophagi found during the excavations of different years, to present them according to typology and chronology. The sarcophagi are found both in the soil and inside the tomb structures, the best examples of which are the sarcophagus of Artavazd Kamsarakan with its two-sided tombstone, the irregular rectangular sarcophagus of the Jrvezh mausoleum, and the two-part sarcophagus of Karenis.
Harutyunyan A.E., The Epigraphic Inheritance of Mets Anapat of Tatev,
HAIA, 2023, № 5, p. 76-95.
The hermitage complexes (Halidzor, Tatev, Shinuhayr etc.) are remarkable manifestations of architecture of the Late Middle Ages in Syunik province of Armenia. One of them is Mets Anapat (“The Great Hermitage”) of Tatev, which is relatively well-preserved. It is located in Vorotan Canyon, on the right bank of the same river, South-East from the Tatev monastery. It was founded at the beginning of the 1660s afier the earthquake of 1658 that destroyed Harants Hermitage in Halidzor, or former Mets Hermitage of Tatev. The founder was Archimandrite Aristakes Tatevatsi who was buried next to the western wall of St. Astvatsatsin church, inside the narthex (gavit’) built in 1743. The surrounding monastic cells were built at the end 1660s as well as in the 80s of the same century. In fact, from the day of foundation this hermitage had a large congregation, according to Zakaria Aguletsi – approximately 70 monks. More than 20 epigraphic inscriptions have been preserved on the walls of the complex, as well as on tombstones, providing reliable information about the foundation of the hermitage, construction and renovation works, fortification, and about the activity of monastic monks. Most of these inscriptions have not yet been decoded and published.
On the tympanum of the western entrance of St. Astvatsatsin church there is an inscription about the founding of the church in 1663, and to the lefi of the same entrance – about the construction of the narthex in 1743.
It should be noted that there are commemorative inscriptions on the tombstones of the 18th-19th centuries, preserved opposite the western entrance of the northern small narthex. According to these inscriptions monastic life in the hermitage continued in subsequent centuries.
Vardanyan N.Kh., Ritual Use of a Broom: Survivals of Traditional Performances Today,
HAIA, 2023, № 5, p. 96-108.
In folk customs and folklore one can ofien find different beliefs related to a broom. Despite the abundance of such motifs in past and in the current folklore and ethnographic materials, in Armenian folkloristics and ethnography they have not yet been investigated.
The article examines the ritual use of a broom, in particular, in the rites to call and stop the rain, in the wedding ceremony and ritual texts, in the New Year’s rite. Some common pan-Armenian prohibitions related to sweeping are considered as well.
It turns out that earlier the broom was a doll of mother goddesses, as well as the embodiment of a bride-girl in the wedding ritual. The perception of the broom as a guardian of order is especially evident in the New Year’s rites, where the broom is mentioned mainly in contexts associated with the door. Guarding the house at this transitional point in space and time, the broom acts as a neutralizer of the forces of chaos. In a number of folk beliefs, both recorded long ago and in modern times, the healing power of a church broom is mentioned, and the special place is given to a person sweeping the floor in the church – he acts as a healer. This idea was also reflected in one Christian ritual.
Hakobyan S.H., Death in Armenian Facebook: Traditional, Modern, or Postmodern Grief?,
HAIA, 2023, № 5, p. 109-123.
The development of digital technologies and online platforms entailed many changes and shifis in people’s lives. Many elements of culture once belonged exclusively to the offiine sphere, started to appear online as well. One of those phenomena is death. Now we can find numerous sites devoted to death, grieving, and loss. Death even “invaded” social networks, where it is actively discussed, in particular from the perspective of grief and bereavement. In the Armenian language Facebook, one can find a lot of posts related to death, most of which can be categorized as grieving posts.
First, Facebook serves as a new means to spread the news about death and upcoming funerals. It also helps people to continue their relations with deceased relatives. Many people talk to them directly in their posts, and it leaves the impression that the dead person can see or read the massage. Users can even tag the dead person and make his/her profile more apparent and accessible for the griever’s social network. Generally, grieving on Facebook is more interactive and intensive: one can post pictures, and videos of the deceased person, write some memories, or express some emotions related to his/her loss and receive comments from friends on Facebook.
Theoretically, digital or online grief has been considered more open, informal, emotional, and intensive than offiine. In social networks, people grieve more openly, because they don’t see each other, and formal rituals of mourning have been substituted by individuality and diversity of posts, where the shifi from actions to text and discourse took place. But while analyzing data from Armenian Facebook, I noticed that they don’t match with those theoretical positions – in my case grieving remains very formal, people did not express their emotions and thoughts as freely as in the case of English Facebook users, furthermore, people rather post much more about deaths of famous people than about their close relatives and loved ones.
To explain this difference between grief in Armenian Facebook and the main positions in the theory of online grief I will refer to historical stages of death and grief developed by Tony Walter. He suggests that traditional death was communal, but then comes the age of modernity, and death disappeared from public space. Grieving now is an individual and latent practice, but then in the period of postmodernity death returns to the public arena, but as an individual experience. When we look at the last developments in Armenian society and funeral culture, we notice that grieving remains traditional and formal on Facebook. Some 5 years ago, people organized funerals in their homes and mourned in the yards of multi-family residential. People don’t express their emotions and thoughts very openly on social networks but the same happens in funeral houses, which have been the main place for funerals in recent years. The grief in Armenian Facebook resembles the modern one in Western countries. But both these traditional and modern features of grief take place in a postmodern environment and condition – the digital age with online networks.
III. DANCE AND RITUAL
Shamamyan N.A., Dances in Wedding Ceremonies of Vayots Dzor (Tradition and Modernity),
HAIA, 2023, № 5, p. 124-136.
In the early 20th century, various types of dances were performed in wedding ceremonies in Vayots dzor. Among those were Kochari, Gyovnd, Maymo, Truk, Mashke, Yaily group dances, Chobani (pastoral) solo dance and others.
The dance culture of the settlements of Vayots Dzor region was formed from the 19th century to the middle of the 20th century, as a result of the fusion of the dances of Persian Armenians, Artsakh Armenians, and Nakhijevan Armenians who were continuously resettled.
There are evidences about Vayots Dzor wedding dances in the works of such researchers as Kajberuni, Yervand Lalayan, Zaven Tagakchyan and Hripsime Pikichyan, Alvard Ghaziyan and Tamar Gevorgyan. The local solo and circle dances inherent to Vayots Dzor were common in wedding ceremonies in the early 20th century.
Afier the collapse of the Soviet Union, there was uncontrolled propaganda of Western values in independent Armenia. TV companies began broadcasting rabiz (musical genre), Latin dances, as well as soap operas and video clips, the wedding scenes of which dictated a new style and taste.
At the beginning of the 20th century, television and the internet introduced a new culture of wedding celebrations – for example, dancing waltz or tango, dancing to a foreign song, and others. All of this gradually found its way into people’s everyday lives, leaving a great influence on the formation of a new value system among the young generation, while traditional wedding dances became a memory, well-preserved only in the mind of the older generation.
Ananyan H.G., Choob-bazi (Dance with Sticks) and Dasmal-bazi (Handkerchief dance) Dances in Rituals and Everyday Life of Iranian Armenians,
HAIA, 2023, № 5, p. 137-149.
The traditional song-dance ensembles in Armenia during the past ten years frequently have been performing Iranian Armenian dances, notably dances of Armenians of Persia, in their repertoire. Among them, we have emphasized Choob-bazi and Dasmal-bazi dances, and our research was done in relation to them. In the article, we tried to give the characteristics of these two dances, presenting them as completely as possible, and the parallel between the dance name and dance step performed by other peoples living in Iran (Qashqais, Lurs), and their transformations during stage performances by today’s traditional groups.
The studies show that the substantive perceptions of the Iranian Armenians, Qashqais and Lurs dances are the same: they all perform those as wedding dances, but there are stylistic differences and borrowings in terms of steps and melody. Observing the dances of these 3 nations, we can say that with the influences and interflow of the dances of the indigenous peoples of Armenia and Iran, a separate dance culture has been formed among the Iranian Armenians, which has its own characteristics and patterns.
IV. FOLKLORISTICS AND LINGUISTIC CULTURE
Ramazyan S.M., Kachal Hamza: A Common Character in Armenian and Turkic Epics,
HAIA, 2023, № 5, p. 150-171.
Our recent studies confirm that the bearers of the Armenian and Turkic epic traditions in the Armenian Highlands were in continuous contact, as a result of which allogenic (Turkic) characters are revealed in the Armenian epic “Sasna Tsrer” and Armenian personages in “Koroglu” (“Kerogli”) epic. It is obvious that there was a process of bilateral interpenetration of some epic elements.
The article presents an analysis of the character of Kachal (Bald) Hamza in the epics “Sasna Tsrer” and “Koroglu”, which makes it possible to reveal their genealogical roots. In the Armenian epic, Kachal Hamza (Lora Hamza) traditionally appears among the enemies of the brave men (madmen) of Sassoun, mainly as a suitor of Khandut, and in “Koroglu” epic he is a horse thief, and a spy-agent of adversary in the group of Koroglu.
At the same time, in the heroic epic “Persian War” the character of Pisak-Databen appears as Hamza’s obvious epic predecessor, whose import into the Turkic epic was carried most probably through Turkish-speaking Armenian ashughs (singer-poets).
Comparing the characters of Kachal Hamza of Armenian origin (in some versions of “Koroglu” epic) and Pisak-Databen in the “Persian War” heroic epic, we can put another additional argument confirming the framework of the “son of the blind” mythologeme.
Basing on the results of the study, we can conclude that actually originating from the heroic epic “Persian War”, an unfamiliar and uncharacteristic personage for “Sasna Tsrer” was later borrowed and imported into the Armenian epic from “Koroglu” Turkic epic.
Matikyan H.H., Linguo-Cultural Manifestations of the concept “Cradle” in the Armenian Reality,
HAIA, 2023, № 5, p. 172-181.
The cradle, as an important component of the nursery, has a unique description in folk and literary works. Within the frameworks of the research, we presented the fictional and real image of the cradle in the context of lullaby texts. The concept of the “cradle” is closely related to the genre of lullaby. Sometimes words “cradle” and “lullaby” in folk lullabies have the same semantic content. Linguistic analysis of the word “cradle” allows us to highlight and reveal its linguistic and cultural peculiarities, which are manifested at different folklore levels.
It is obvious that the lullabies were sung not only to calm the child, to put him/her to sleep, but also to convey the folk mentality, the way of life and customs, folk beliefs, language thinking (along with the function of putting him/her to sleep).
Many phrases and proverbs have been created around the concept “cradle” throughout history, due to the meta-semantic characteristics and semantic growth of the mentioned word.
In the Armenian linguistic and cultural thinking, the cradle is perceived with layers of meaning, from the personal perception to the suprapersonal level.
Moreover, the word “cradle” is viable in almost all genres of folklore; our identity is formed in the environment of the cradle and the lullaby song.
Angelush L.M., Language Behavior and Intercultural Communication of Students of Yerevan,
HAIA, 2023, № 5, p. 182-198.
The processes of the globalizing world modernize the problems of linguistic behavior and importance of languages in sector of education. Linguistic behavior becomes one of the main ways of social behavior.
The availability of information opens new perspectives, gives choices, creates competitive field, where it’s necessary to purchase new knowledge constantly.
This situation directly affects the linguistic behavior of society, its manifestations, the goals and forms of learning languages.
In 1976 there was conducted a survey by the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography of NAS RA for studying the linguistic behavior in Yerevan. The results of the research have been summarized in the H. Galstyan’s book «Հոդվածներ, հուշագրություններ, հարցազրույցներ» (“Articles, memoirs, interviews”), where the author drew attention to the social-cultural impacts of linguistic knowledge, the linguistic behavior of population of Yerevan and some other issues. In Post-Soviet Armenia none of sociological and cultural comprehensive researches were carried out. There are only the data of censuses of 2001 and 2011, some statistical data about linguistic knowledge, sociological surveys, which don’t reveal the impact of linguistic knowledge on public life, on personal achievements.
The questionnaire surveys, which have been done for studying the linguistic behavior of today’s students, were compared with the results of the research of 1976. In the article there are shortly submitted the most popular languages among the students of 1976 and 2018, the role and level of knowledge of native language, the using of languages in the family, at work, in the education, in the entertainment, its role in professional success and intercultural communication. The results have been presented in appropriate tables and charts.
As a result of data comparison, it became clear that afier the native language the most common language among the modern students is English. In contrast with the results of 1976, Russian language has lost its social significance; it’s not an indicator of social status and mandatory precondition for professional progress. Although most of today’s students know Russian language, the qualitative level of its knowledge yields to English. Number of students studying English for admission to the university is about 5 times higher than those, who studied Russian (accordingly 38,3% and 7,8%). The number of students studying English in order to obtain promising job is 2,5 times higher than the number of students studying Russian (accordingly 29,7% and 12,5%). The comparative data are presented in more detail in the article.
V. THE PROBLEMS OF ARMENIAN COMMUNITY OF CONSTANTINOPLE
Markosyan S.H., Contradictions among Armenians of Constantinople over the Approval of the Western Armenians’ National Constitution (1856-1863),
HAIA, 2023, № 5, p. 199-207.
The history of political and economic developments in Ottoman Turkey in the second half of the 19th century is closely linked to the sociopolitical and legal life of Western Armenians, as we are, in fact, dealing with the unfolding of policies towards subjugated peoples.
This article discusses and analyzes the reasons behind the movement for the establishment of the National Constitution of Western Armenians of 1856–1863. This article attempts to investigate this issue in the context of social changes in the Ottoman Empire.
We aim to show that the constitutional period was a period of national development and progress, as the years of struggle to have a constitution are significant in that the advancement of liberation ideas and the development of national self-consciousness become one of the important achievements of the Armenian social and political life.
It is important to state that the constitution enriched the Armenian mentality with the understanding of national self-determination, and the Armenian community moved towards the management of its internal life in an organized way.
Hence, we can emphasize the fact that the European policy aimed at carrying out reforms in Ottoman Turkey contradicted the advancement of ideas of national self-determination among non-Muslim peoples.
VI. REPORTS
Saribekyan M.G., From the History of the Archaeological Research of Harich,
HAIA, 2023, № 5, p. 208-213.
Когда нет письменности и письменной истории, люди «записывают» свою
историюустными
эпическими
произведениями.
Но и после
появления
письменности
армяне
продолжали
создавать
эпосы,
представляющие
исторические
эпохи.
Можно
сказать,
что вся история
Армении
была
кодирова23
Տե՛ս Սիտալ Կ., Կաշտի քաջեր. Ամերիկահայ առաջադիմական միություն, 1942;
Russell J., The Heroes of Kasht (Kašti k‘ajer): An Armenian Epic. Ann Arbor, 2000.
425
Հայ ժողովրդական
հերոսական
էպոսը
на последовательными
эпосами.
В статье утверждается,
что армянский
народный
героический
эпос должен
включать
следующие
произведения:
1)
этногонические
легенды;
2) «Випасанк
»; 3) «Персидская
война
»; 4) «Таронская
война
»; 5) «Сасунские
безумцы
»; 6) «Кер-огли
». Псевдонародные
стихи
о советских
лидерах
можно
было
бы также
рассмотреть
в этом контексте.
Архаичные
эпосы
были
созданы
согласно
конкретной
схеме
– генеалогической
последовательности
специфических
героев:
1) божественный
персонаж
или его символ;
2) божественные
близнецы
и 3) «умирающий
(и
возрождающийся)
» герой.
Образы
мифологических
и исторических
героев
были
наложены
на эти мифологические
архетипы.
Ключевые
слова:
армянский
народный
эпос, армянский
фольклор,
древнеарянская
литература,
армянская
мифология.
Khatchadourian H.B., Methodological Overview of Khachkar Studies,
HAIA, 2023, № 5, p. 214-225.
Когда нет письменности и письменной истории, люди «записывают» свою
историюустными
эпическими
произведениями.
Но и после
появления
письменности
армяне
продолжали
создавать
эпосы,
представляющие
исторические
эпохи.
Можно
сказать,
что вся история
Армении
была
кодирова23
Տե՛ս Սիտալ Կ., Կաշտի քաջեր. Ամերիկահայ առաջադիմական միություն, 1942;
Russell J., The Heroes of Kasht (Kašti k‘ajer): An Armenian Epic. Ann Arbor, 2000.
425
Հայ ժողովրդական
հերոսական
էպոսը
на последовательными
эпосами.
В статье утверждается,
что армянский
народный
героический
эпос должен
включать
следующие
произведения:
1)
этногонические
легенды;
2) «Випасанк
»; 3) «Персидская
война
»; 4) «Таронская
война
»; 5) «Сасунские
безумцы
»; 6) «Кер-огли
». Псевдонародные
стихи
о советских
лидерах
можно
было
бы также
рассмотреть
в этом контексте.
Архаичные
эпосы
были
созданы
согласно
конкретной
схеме
– генеалогической
последовательности
специфических
героев:
1) божественный
персонаж
или его символ;
2) божественные
близнецы
и 3) «умирающий
(и
возрождающийся)
» герой.
Образы
мифологических
и исторических
героев
были
наложены
на эти мифологические
архетипы.
Ключевые
слова:
армянский
народный
эпос, армянский
фольклор,
древнеарянская
литература,
армянская
мифология.
VII. OUR ANNIVERSARIES
Maloyan A.M., Hakob Cholakyan -75,
HAIA, 2023, № 5, p. 226-232.
Когда нет письменности и письменной истории, люди «записывают» свою
историюустными
эпическими
произведениями.
Но и после
появления
письменности
армяне
продолжали
создавать
эпосы,
представляющие
исторические
эпохи.
Можно
сказать,
что вся история
Армении
была
кодирова23
Տե՛ս Սիտալ Կ., Կաշտի քաջեր. Ամերիկահայ առաջադիմական միություն, 1942;
Russell J., The Heroes of Kasht (Kašti k‘ajer): An Armenian Epic. Ann Arbor, 2000.
425
Հայ ժողովրդական
հերոսական
էպոսը
на последовательными
эпосами.
В статье утверждается,
что армянский
народный
героический
эпос должен
включать
следующие
произведения:
1)
этногонические
легенды;
2) «Випасанк
»; 3) «Персидская
война
»; 4) «Таронская
война
»; 5) «Сасунские
безумцы
»; 6) «Кер-огли
». Псевдонародные
стихи
о советских
лидерах
можно
было
бы также
рассмотреть
в этом контексте.
Архаичные
эпосы
были
созданы
согласно
конкретной
схеме
– генеалогической
последовательности
специфических
героев:
1) божественный
персонаж
или его символ;
2) божественные
близнецы
и 3) «умирающий
(и
возрождающийся)
» герой.
Образы
мифологических
и исторических
героев
были
наложены
на эти мифологические
архетипы.
Ключевые
слова:
армянский
народный
эпос, армянский
фольклор,
древнеарянская
литература,
армянская
мифология.