I. PREHISTORICAL SOCIETIES
Bobokhyan A.A., Vishap Stelae according to Archival Materials of Atrpet,
HAIA, 2019, № 3, p. 8-20.
In the works of the Armenian writer and traveler Atrpet (1860-1937) important data have been preserved on ‘vishap’ stelae (dragon stones) – well-known monuments of ancient Armenia. The discussion of those data enables to conclude that the author had quite a deep knowledge of the ancient historical-cultural environment of his country and its social organization. According to the data acquired mainly in the archives, Atrpet mentions 31 clusters of vishaps – 7 of which in Tayk, 1 in Gugark, 15 in Ayrarat, 3 in Turuberan, 5 in Syunik provinces of historical Armenia. Vishaps can be encountered both as single, double and group units, hence, on the whole, it goes about ca. 50-60 stelae. They are situated in the mountain systems of Tsaghkavet, Karasnits, Byuraknyan, Metsrants, Haykakan Par, Aragats, Geghama and Vardenis, mainly on sources of the rivers (Araxes, Aratsani, Kura, Chorokh) beginning in those mountains, in small plateaus marked by lakes. Particularly, Atrpet’s data reproduces a historical landscape consisting of fortresses and temples, caves in lowland and sanctuaries in the mountains, as well as channels connecting the upper and lower altitudes. This was a community of farmers, engaged in active pastoral cattle-breeding, who created their sacred landscape both in and around the settlements as well as in the mountains. The key concept of that system was the dragon stones placed on the most important points of that cultural world. The analysis of the data handed down by Atrpet, their obvious coincidences with present-day evidence on vishap distribution traits indicate a fairly high degree of probability of this information.
Shakhmuradyan M.S., Structure and Forms of “Desert Kites”,
HAIA, 2019, № 3, p. 21-35.
‘Desert kites’ are large-scale stone structures of different forms, which are spread in the Anterior and Central Asia. The study of the structure of these constructions enables to conclude that they have three main and stable parts: an enclosure, stone rows, and towers. Some ‘kites’ may have secondary parts as well, such as points and niches. Though the complete form of a ‘kite’ is comprised of these parts, enclosure plays a major role in determining the form of the structure.
Based on the study of thousands of satellite images of kites, this paper presents the main forms of kites with their sub-forms, as well as the forms that have not been published previously. The analysis of the kite forms indicates that some of them are geometrical (square, triangle, circle, trapezoid, etc.), while others remind of images of different shapes. Similar forms of ‘kites’ occur in regions that are thousands of kilometers apart. Seven main forms of ‘kites’ have been distinguished (rectangular, circular, triangular, trapezoidal, mace-shaped, spade-shaped, star-shaped. Six of them (rectangu- lar, circular, triangular, trapezoidal, mace-shaped, spade-shaped) constitute approximately 80% of ‘kites’ in Armenia, Northern Mesopotamia, and Central Syria. In these regions, not only the main forms, but also quantitative distributions, are nearly identical. In Harrat al Shaam, the distribution of the six main forms is the same, but the star-shaped ‘kites’ are quantitatively dominant, though they account for an insignificant percent in other regions. The ‘kites’ of Central Saudi Arabia differ from the ‘kites’ of other regions both by the main forms present in this region and their quantitative distribution.
There exists a view, according to which kites originally did not have their classical structure, but rather originated from prototypes. This paper addresses that issue and tries to prove that kites did not have simpler prototypes but had the classical structure from the beginning. The problem whether structures consisting of long stone rows and a tower (V-shaped structures) should be considered as kites or not is also considered in the given work.
Juharyan A.K., Principles of Using Obsidian on the Territory of the Republic of Armenia in the Bronze Age according to the Data of pXRF Analysis,
HAIA, 2019, № 3, p. 36-46.
During the Bronze Age, the Kura-Araxes culture flourished throughout the South Caucasus. Despite the extensive development of metallurgy, people continued also intensively use obsidian. Studying the principles of this raw material use has always been and still is an actual problem. For the study of volcanic glass (obsidian), there is currently a wide range of modern, precise analytical methods. This article discusses the principles of obsidian sources use by residents in different parts of the territory of Armenia in the third millennium BC. For the three monuments belonging to the Kura-Araxes culture, Tsaghkasar, Teghut and Agarak, patterns of the utilization of obsidian sources were revealed. A total of 292 samples from the Early Bronze Age cultural layer, collected during excavations of the listed monuments, were subjected to geochemical analysis. The assays were performed by portable X-ray fluorescence (pXRF), and a portable spectrometer of the Brucker Tracer III SD model was used. As a result of the analytical work, 94.86 % of the archaeological samples were grouped, and 92.50 % were identified, which is undoubtedly a good result for this type of study. According to our data, models for the utilization of obsidian sources were developed for the following settlements – Tsaghkasar, Agarak and Teghut, which are also presented in the form of maps. Comparing their results, three completely different models of source utilization were identified, including one mono-source and two poly-source models, each of which has its own local motives.
Harutyunyan T.E., Chronology and Typology of the Newly Discovered Pins of the Karashamb Site,
HAIA, 2019, № 3, p. 47-64.
Taking into account the morphological characteristics of the pins found during the excavations of burial chambers in Karashamb between 2009 –2016, we have classified those into 8 types which are further subcategorized into representative variants. We have laid out a detailed discussion of the issues associated with the criteria underlying the dating of each sample, as well as problems with defining the cultural and geographical identity of these samples. Summarizing our observations aimed at proposing a typological classification of the items in discussion, we can note the following: according to the current literature, the importance of the research on classification of pins is determined by several factors. First of all, pins can be considered as: a) hair accessories or b) clothing accessories. This being said, the pins found in burial chambers ofien allow us to determine and reconstruct the hairstyle and the clothes of the buried person which are important for defining ethno-cultural characteristics in general. Moreover, alongside the other accompanying items found in burial chambers, this decoration (in the context of burial rites) is suggestive of social differences and of the sex and age ratio in the given community. The burial tomb № 182 in Karashamb is of particular interest in this respect. Apparently, the adult male buried in this tomb represents the high military class: a dagger and a lace were found among other items in this tomb. A pin was found near the skull. An armor button was located right next to the pin. The in situ image shows that the two items were used together. The typological comparative framework allows the pins in discussion to be regarded as chronological and geographical indicators of the given archaeological culture. Of particular interest in this context are the pins discovered in the Trialeti-Vanadzor culture which allow us to have a more accurate understanding of the temporal and cultural pertinence of these items. As samples of Applied Arts, these decorations are of paramount importance for studies of the artistic perception and depiction of the world by the members of the given society. The pins with bifurcated animal heads are also of major interest. These samples are mostly found in Northern Caucasus (they are rare in the territory of Armenia). It should be mentioned that the samples discovered in the Karashamb site are significantly different in style and in the types of depicted animals. They should most probably be attributed to the Lchashen-Metsamor culture.
Vardanyan B.V., Issues of Sociodemographic Differentiation for the Late Bronze Age in the Territory of Kura-Arax Mesopotamia according to the Lchashen Cemetery (16 –13th cc. BC),
HAIA, 2019, № 3, p. 65-78.
The study brings into question the burial hierarchy of the Lchashen necropolis with regard a fieldwork performed at ground level. The impelemented fieldwork regards the archaeology’s task to dig for concrete pieces of evidence so as to focus the old site of Sevan, which will then through analysis inquire thought-provoking clues in this respect. Therefore, the study would cover the issue in depth, besides to dissect data’s ground in an attempt to speculate vital hypothesis apropos. The fieldwork was conducted in the archaeological site of Lchashen. The latter used to be a settlement, where an eventful life through the Late Bronze Age is observed. Indeed, the task performed upon, was to excavate around 800 graves of the old site and to observe the burial hierarchy which was eminent for the Bronze Age epoch. The observation witnesses a vital system of stratification standing on a social hierarchy that processed the order of noble graves’ category to low class graves. Besides to the burials’ pattern that notices a difference according to the gender. The witness of weapons is within the noble class graves. That would allow a historical testimony with regard to this period. Unfortunately, the subject is still under-researched. The scope is to highlight the different circumstances related to life in Lchashen and the conduct of the society during the Late Bronze Age that remains unreachable.
Hovsepyan R.A., Plant Remains From Classical Period Jar-Burials in the Mastara-3 Archaeological Site (Republic of Armenia),
HAIA, 2019, № 3, p. 79-91.
For the first time in Armenia, contents of Classical period jar-burials were examined for plant remains to reveal possible rituals of burial ceremonies involving plants and vegetal food. There where human skeletons present in all three jar-burials; in two of them there were adults and there was a child skeleton in the smallest jar. Few charred grains and other remains of cereals and seeds of some segetal weeds were recovered. Tetraploid or hexaploid wheat (Triticum aestivum/durum), possibly bread wheat, emmer (T. dicoccum) and barley (Hordeum vulgare) were identified among cultivated plants. Remains of the recovered cereals possibly represent remnants of a porridge-like food put in the pithoi with the bodies.
II. MIDDLE AGES
Dalalyan T.S., Some Notes on Conceptual Thoughts Pertaining to the Musical Instruments in the 13th Century,
HAIA, 2019, № 3, p. 92-105.
A number of musical instruments are mentioned in Armenian medieval sources, which sometimes contain additional information explaining their use and structure, and also give their philosophical connotations. Images of musical instruments and musicians are ofien found in our medieval miniatures. Tractates on music teaching are known, too. Legends and legendary stories preserved in medieval works describe the creation or origin of musical instruments. Naturally, these stories are covered with a Christian-religious veil and ideology. We do not know any Armenian pagan myth and legend from earlier eras which would explain the appearance of musical instruments. This article broaches various perceptions of musical instruments attested in the 13th century. The views of two great authors – Hovhannes Pluz Erznkatsi and Vardan Aygektsi, are thoroughly considered. They try to define the philosophical border between instrumental and non-instrumental music, secular and spiritual movements, ‘pagan’ and ‘christian’ cultures.
Manuk Abeghian, who thoroughly studied the Armenian medieval literature but wrote sometimes under the influence of the Marxist-Soviet ideology, believed that in the discussed parable by Vardan Aygektsi, the class contradictions and the struggle against the Church of the time was reflected. At the same time, this parable shows some secular tendencies which supplanted gradually the religious thought from the medieval literature, thus bringing it closer to the folk thinking and folklore. This process is called by specialists as ‘Armenian Renaissance’.
Mirijanyan D.H., Aghayan S.H., Observations about the Gntouni Princely House’s Domains according to the Gravestone Inscriptions and Historiographic Sources,
HAIA, 2019, № 3, p. 106-116.
Based on the inscriptions on the gravestones of the representatives of the princely house of Gntuni this article aims to present the domains of Gntuni rulers, who were the owners of Nig canton of Ayrarat province.
In historical sources the princely house of Gntuni was first mentioned in the History of Movses Khorenatsi,locating their domains in Nig canton. This information was also confirmed by epigraphic data. In 1908, G. Hovsepyan found the Greek inscription of Armenian king Trdat II in Aparan, informing about the donation of Nig canton to Gntuni as their own domain. According to the Ashkharhatsuyts of Anania Shirakatsi, Nig was the 15th canton of Ayrarat province and occupied the territory of the upper stream of the Kasakh river.
The epigraphic data preserved on the walls of different religious buildings evidence the intensive construction activity of the Gntuni princes in Nig canton.
The gravestones of the Gntuni have also important significance to clarify the borders of the domains of the Gntuni, as the representatives of the ruling house could sponsor the construction of religious buildings in other provinces, but, as a rule, they should be buried in their own domain.
The activity of the princely house of Gntuni is visible in Nig canton during the 3th –7th centuries, which is also evidenced by the presence of gravestones. One of the gravestones was found on the northern side of the base of the St. Vardan Church in Zovuni, the other with the name of David Gntuni is known from the Zovuni gorge, which is now kept in the History Museum of Armenia. Another inscribed gravestone is now in the village of Yeghipatrush.
Interestingly, there is no evidence about the activity of the Gntuni princes in Nig canton afier the 7th century, probably, due to the Arab invasions. Later, in the 9th century, the Gntuni rulers reappeared in Gugark region, which is evidenced by an inscribed gravestone found near the early medieval church in Gogaran. The gravestone dated to the 9th –10th centuries let us suppose, that afier the 7th century the princely house of Gntuni lost its control and domains in Nig canton and moved to the north receiving territories from the Bagratuni in the Tashir region.
Grigoryan A.L., Sotk section of the Dvin-Partav Trade Route,
HAIA, 2019, № 3, p. 117-124.
In 2014, the expedition of the Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography NAS RA carried out archaeological excavations at the fortress of Sotk-1. The present research aims to clarify the archaeological potential, dating and role of the site. The fortress was a significant strategic point along the Dvin-Partav trade route. The explorations and archaeological context of the site are very important for clarification the cultural relationships of the Sotk section in the system of Silk roads. The comparison with the other early medieval fortified sites and the analysis of the ceramic material lead to conclude that Sotk-1 actively functioned in the 3th-5th centuries AD to oversee the Sotk section along the trade route. The future excavations of Sotk-1 and other regional simultaneous archaeological sites will give an opportunity to accumulate scientific knowledge about the medieval province of Sotk and increase the archaeological information towards the Sotk section of Dvin-Partav trade route.
Babajanyan A.A., Franklin K.J., Medieval Cultural landscape in Vayots Dzor in the Context of the Silk Road,
HAIA, 2019, № 3, p. 125-136.
This paper discusses preliminary works of Vayots Dzor Silk Road Survey (VDSRS) project revisiting the medieval archaeological landscape in Vayots Dzor region, which was actively integrated into the material and cultural exchanges, formed by Silk Road phenomenon. During the medieval period (especially in the 13th –14th centuries AD), the routes which run along the Arpa and Yeghegis Rivers, formed part of the wider network of roads, connecting local towns and settlements to the cities such as Dvin, Partav, Tbilisi and Tabriz, and the coasts of the Black and Caspian Seas. The VDSRS is also focused on the study of the everyday life in the local communities which lived along the route and questioned how local people were linked with external world.
The VDSRS is based on targeted survey and archaeological excavations of the medieval sites of the 12th-15th centuries, combining historical archaeological methods, including epigraphy and materials detailed analysis. In the 2015-2016 seasons we recorded multifarious sites (settlements, fortresses, caravanserais, bridges, monastic complexes, chapels, khachkars (i.e. cross-stones), cemeteries), making up a database with their precise coordinates and descriptions, which is displayed as a map hosted on WorldMap platform by Harvard University.
The survey data was complemented by the excavations at the medieval settlement of Arpa (located to the 0.5 km to the north-east of the contemporary village of Areni) where living contexts were uncovered, demonstrating different aspects of daily life. Archaeological material collected on sur- vey and through excavations at Arpa closely corresponds to late 12th to the beginning of the 15th centuries. The ceramic material is characterized predominantly as a local production; however, we can distinguish imported wares in the glazed pottery. This corroborates the wider arguments that Vayots Dzor region was integrated in the trade-economic and cultural interconnections created by the phenomenon of the Silk Road.
Martirosyan A.A., On the Economic Component of Household Stone Production Objects Found from the Dashtadem Fortress,
HAIA, 2019, № 3, p. 137-147.
The stone tools of the Dashtadem fortress are observed from the point of view of food processing, restoring the main directions of the economy. The data collected in the results of the 2015 archaeological excavations indicate that the stone products of the Dashtadem fortress are characterized by a large diversity, either type or function. At the same time, there are a number of questions that can be further studied.
The first of these is related to the function and quality of used material of the mortars and spindles. Unlike basalt mortars which cultivate all kinds of crops at different stages of the food processing, the tools made from tuff can be used only for certain plant species at a certain stage of products processing.
It is also important to clarify the archaeological context. The study of unearthed architectural complexes and a rich assemblage of archaeological material argues that the fortress actively functioned in the 12th century to the 1st quarter of 14th century further became an ordinary settlement. The stone items mainly have been found in the residential and economic complexes (granaries, clay ovens) of the later periods which allow us to date them to the 15th –18th centuries.
Thus, typological classification of stone tools unearthed during the excavations in Dashtadem allow us to control the sequence of products and their processing phases. Combining with other archaeological finds (especially ceramics) as well as analyzing archaeological samples, the complex research, will contribute to a more comprehensive study of some of the economic and manufacturing sectors in the Dashtadem fortress.
Vasileva E.E., Archaeological Study of Churchyards and Monastic Necropolises in Russia Today,
HAIA, 2019, № 3, p. 148-159.
Churchyards and city cemeteries have been studied in Russia since the 19th century. As a result of these researches we received information about one particular burial or a group of burials, funeral inventory and burial’s structure. One of the most studied elements of the burial complex was the gravestones.
The archaeology of monastic necropolises has become as an independent scientific direction since the 1980s. Now there are many researches which are dedicated to the localization of monastic necropolises and burials of historical individuals. At the moment, special methodological recommendations for the study and preservation of monastic necropolises are developed.
During the last fifieen years, archaeological works have been carried out on the territories of monasteries and churches not only in Moscow and the Moscow Region (Zachatievsky, Novo-Ierusalimsky, Novodevichy monasteries, the Trinity-Sergius Lavra), but also in other regions of the European part of Russia, among them: Kirillo-Belozersky, Solovetsky, Ferapontov, Spaso-Eleazarovsky, Malsky, Panteleimonov, Mikhailo-Klopsky, Derevyanitsky and other monasteries in Novgorod, Tver, Arkhangelsk, Vologda, Vladimir, Pskov, Nizhny Novgorod, Yaroslavskoy areas, as well as St. Petersburg and the Leningrad region.
In 2013 there were changes in legislation in the field of protection of cultural heritage sites. The hundred-year boundary for archaeological sites was introduced. Thus, the necropolises dated to the 18th to the beginning of the 20th centuries are the subject of archaeological studies now.
At the moment, general works about archaeological research of monasteries, churches and their necropolises are published. Also, a chronological scale for burials without funeral inventory are created.
III. TRADITIONAL RITUAL AND FOLKLORE
Vardanyan N.Kh., Composition and Functionality of Wedding Joke Song “Mother of Groom, Come out” in Ceremony,
HAIA, 2019, № 3, p. 160-172.
The article discusses the beloved joke song starting with the phrase “Mother of groom, come out” (Թագվորի´ մեր, դու´րս արի – Tagvori mer, durs ari), prominent among wedding ceremonial songs with its widespread presence and number of versions. The ceremonial song was performed during the ceremony of bringing the bride to the groom’s house, in front of the groom’s door in parallel with the threshold ceremonies. Both the singing time and the starting phrase of the joke song are quite stable.
Within the framework of this report, 17 versions of the joke song are discussed. The study goes the way of discovering compositional peculiarities of songs and discusses the structural types and idiosyncrasies of motive distribution in the versions, as well as the functionality peculiarities in ceremonial context.
The threshold of the house is the transitional area, which divides “familiar” and “foreign” areas. The bride standing in front of the groom’s house is still foreign and as such is dangerous and suspicious. This is the reason of contradicting motives characterizing the bride: positive as someone “bringing prosperity to the groom’s house” and negative as someone “ruining/destroying the house”. In some versions of the ceremonial song, these opposing motives are built in the form of dialectic contradictions, which certainly represent older versions of the song. The singing dialogue occurs between opposite parties, representing ceremonial opposition between familiar and foreign. The motives of praise and mockery are distributed differently in the versions of the joke song, creating various structural types.
The couple – daughter-in-law / mother-in-law – famously antagonistic in folklore, is the axis of the satire in the song. Although the satirical allusions of the song characterize the daughter-in-law, the target of satire is the mother-in-law.
In spite of the happy and satirical nature, the joke song has a didactic subtext. The ceremonial song verbally establishes the details of the daily routine afier the wedding, the duties that the bride has to assume in the new house, and hints at the neglect of duties, which can have undesired consequences. The satiric motives are ofien built analogous to the motives of praise, parodying them and creating sequential opposing motives.
Khatchadourian N.H., Interaction and Interpenetration of Different Music Folklore Genres in Armenian Folk Lullabies,
HAIA, 2019, № 3, p. 173-185.
The lullaby is considered as a distinct and stable genre in folk music. Unlike the ritual hymns, which are perhaps the oldest in the history of music, the lullaby or cradle-song can be described as one of the first pillars of secular singing oral tradition. In ancient times, lullabies were born from primitive onomatopoeia and ideophonic words which received melodic rhythmic tone. On one hand, they were used as blessing songs dedicated to the child, and on the other hand they also had a practical purpose to create a relaxing atmosphere for the child and to lull him to sleep.
Along with the development of the society and the lifestyle, lullabies have undergone significant changes. By developing and acquiring new features, the many varieties of lullabies often have received a much greater content and style than being merely a song bouquet of wishes and blessings sung to the child. In the 19th and 20th centuries, we find examples of lullabies, which somehow carry the influence of other folklore genres. In many lullabies, song elements belonging to historical, lament, love, and other genres can be distinguished. In this paper, an attempt is made to identify the above-mentioned strata that were originally spurious to the very essence of lullabies and are actually the result of the impact of various genres.
The study shows that the interaction and interpenetration of different music folklore genres in Armenian folk lullabies have been expressed in different ways: through wandering plots and thematic mergers, through the use of already created melodies, and from the result of women’s multifunctional work. These elements have a noticeable impact on certain lines and images, as well as on the melody originated from them.
IV. SOVIET AND POST-SOVIET PERIODS’
SOCIAL ANTHROPOLOGY AND CULTURAL STUDIES
Mikayelyan A.G., Ethnography of Prison Based on Parajanov’s Works,
HAIA, 2019, № 3, p. 186-193.
The article presents the social anthropology of the Soviet prison in the 1970s based on the collages, graphic works and a film script created in prison by the famous film director and artist S. Parajanov. Parajanov was not a researcher while reflecting the prison cultural anthropology in his artworks; he used the prison daily life, its order and internal rules, the tattooing, the image of capo, the card game and the pornography as a material to create. Since Parajanov’s art is famous for his pseudo-ethnographic characters and realities, the prison art is studied in this way also through his film script of “Swan Lake: Zone”.
Muradyan H.M., “Houses of culture” in Soviet and Post-Soviet Times: Semantic and Functional Transformations and Heredity,
HAIA, 2019, № 3, p. 194-203.
The paper aims to investigate the role and functions of “Chambers of Culture” in Soviet and post-Soviet Armenia. The “Chamber of Culture” used to be a key institution for cultural activities and for the implementation of state cultural policies not only in Armenia but in all socialist countries.
In the post-Soviet period the “Chambers of Culture” underwent a deep economic and symbolic crisis, with many of them ultimately being closed down. Recently there have been signs of a re-orientation concerning the missions and the functions of the “Chambers of Culture”. This paper discusses the new functions and meanings of these institutions for the communities that they are meant to serve; their role in social education of the community. The paper is based on the hypothesis that the “Chambers of Culture” no longer appeal to parts of the local communities, which are more attracted to new (often commercial) forms of leisure and creative self-expression. However, in many cases the “Chambers of Culture” continue to play a pivotal role in the social and cultural life of the community.
The survey is based on the fieldwork conducted in about thirty rural communities in the region of Ararat and in the cities of Masis, Artashat, Vedi and Ararat. In addition to the fieldwork, cultural journals and newspapers published in Soviet Armenia (such as “Culture-Enlightenment”, “Soviet Armenia”, “Soviet Art”, “Soviet Literature”, etc.) have been studied.
Nalbandyan A.N., Turkish Cultural Policy in Georgia,
HAIA, 2019, № 3, p. 204-214.
This article examines the socio-cultural activities of Turkey, conducted in Georgia afier the collapse of the USSR, as a foreign component of cultural policy. In our opinion, this factor contributes to the formation of a positive image of the country and the acquisition of certain levers of influence, which, in turn, can be described as a demonstration of “sofi power”. The theoretical basis of the article is the theory of “sofi power” of Joseph Nye and the principle of Ahmet Davutoğlu “zero problems with neighbors”. Turkey’s cultural presence in Georgia is manifested by two, sometimes independent, sometimes complementary poles – that is, through state and non-state institutions. During the 25 years of Turkish-Georgian bilateral cooperation, Turkish cultural policy has produced a desired result in the educational system of Georgia, provoking the interest of the Georgian people in the Turkish culture through the study of the Turkish language, literature and history.
V. DIASPORA ISSUES
Andrikyan A.G., The Current State of K. Pols Patriarchy,
HAIA, 2019, № 3, p. 215-223.
Summing up we should say, that in the first chapter we spoke about the religious problems of Armenians in Turkey and about the policy led by Turkish government. Living in a country which government has no adequate attitude towards religious minorities, we need some effective steps to ensure their safety. Because of the lack of these steps Armenian figures in Turkey like Hrant Dink or Sevak Shahi Blkchan became victims of the policy led by Turkey. They repeatedly called for religious and political solidarity to Turkish and Armenian population living in Turkey, but as we saw the Turkish government showed its anti-Armenian policy and revenged on them. On January 19, 2007, Hrant Dink was killed, and on April 24, 2011, Sevak Shahi Blkchan serving in the Turkish army was killed for wearing cross. These two assassinations have not been disclosed yet and to my opinion they will continue until the Armenians in Turkey have power defending their interests both in political and religious platforms.
Speaking about the problems of Islamized Armenians we can say that the situation is the same. Because of the lack of Armenian churches and schools cryptic Armenians do not recognize their identity. And those who recognize their identity do not utter about it being afraid of the pressure of the Turkish government. On my last visit, communicating with the Islamized Armenians I was informed that they were afraid to be converted, as the nationalists, especially “Gray wolves” organization threatened to revenge on them. In those conditions as our church and government act in different international platforms defending the religious problems of Armenians in Syria, so they must defend the interests of Islamized Armenians in Turkey, too.