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HAIA

Proceedings of the Institute of
Archaeology and Ethnography

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2021, № 4

Title Pages

I. INTER-DISCIPLINARY STUDIES

Abrahamian L.H.,Tamanyan՚s People՚s House: Mythology, Ideology, and Architecture,
HAIA, 2021, № 4, p. 8-19.

Using the case of Tamanyan’s People’s House, the future Theater of Opera and Ballet, the article presents the architect’s perception of a mystic link between a place and its historical and cultural roots. Tamanyan was convinced that at the spot where he planned to build his People’s House, a pagan temple of song was located. He aimed at constructing a Soviet temple of song and dance (opera and ballet) which would correlate with the supposed pagan prototype and would be built at the very same spot. The People’s House he envisioned as a combination of the Armenian medieval temple Zvartnots and the Roman Coliseum. The People’s House was planned to consist of two sections, the winter (closed) and summer (open) ones, which would have a common stage and would be separated or united by a partition – the rising and dropping iron curtain. Tamanyan’s opponents – the Young Proletarian Architects, considered his People’s House an anachronism which did not face the current demands of the proletariat. Tamanyan’s People’s House, as well as the constructivist concepts of his opponents are discussed in the frames of the Culture One and Culture Two models proposed by Vladimir Papernyi. In contrast to the post-revolutionary Culture One which denied the past, the Culture Two that replaced it in the beginning of the 1930s, was characteristic for its looking back into the past for imperial patterns. In the article, the specific Culture Two is discussed created by Tamanyan. It combined classicism with the medieval Armenian church architecture. The article discusses also the multilayer mythological and archetypal context of the temple imagined by Tamanyan.

Bobokhyan A.A., Katkar-Vishapakar: One Hundred Years after Yervand Lalayan,
HAIA, 2021, № 4, p. 20-35.

The legend regarding “Katkar” (Milk-stone) situated in the village Murjakhet of Javakhq was recorded by four authors։ Y. Lalayan (1892), I. Rostomishvili (1898), E. Taghaishvili (1909), V. Bdoyan (1940). In 2017 one more version was recorded by us. Two main plots are evident in variants of the legend։ 1. The bride’s, sister’s, sister’s and brother’s stone metamorphosis (as saving from the pursuit of the enemy, of fear or of punishment), and 2. acquisition of special gift (of giving milk to mothers and light to travelers) through stone metamorphosis.

It is remarkable that the above mentioned two stones – the sister and the brother, are in fact archaeological monuments – vishapakars. The circumstance that the versions of the tradition were recorded also beyond Murjakhet and the fact that the vishapakar of Gandza is called also Katkar, attests that the corresponding imaginations were common in the region. Whereas, the fact that the recorders of the legend did not encounter the name vishapakar, speaks for the opinion that vishapakars should be called Katkar by the people of Javakhq.

Vishapakars, as units of monumental art, were always the centre of attention of the people in Javakhq and at least some of them probably did not appear under the earth and keeping on to be an “ethnographical value”. Regularly renovated traditions were told regarding them. This is an exceptional feature which distinguishes the vishapakars of Javakhq by making them a subject of special methodological issue. In context of that issue, ethnography and archaeology appear in the same spatial and temporal sphere and the subject of their research practically coincides.

Simonyan L.D., Sanctuaries of Eastern Armenia at the End of the 17th Century According to the Map by Yeremia Kyomyurchian and Tovma Vanandetsi՚s “A Poetry on the Sacral Sites of the Land of Armenians”,
HAIA, 2021, № 4, p. 36-47.

The map of Yeremia Chelepi Kyomyurjian with depiction of multiple pilgrimage places all around the historical Armenia and abroad and the poetic description of the complex pilgrimage of the brothers Sahak and Aslan by Tovma Vanandetsi give a rich material for the investigation of Armenian sanctuaries and sacral objects stored at them in the second half of the 17th century. Data relating Lori, Kotayk and Aragatsotn reveal the process of shifts occurred since the times of Yeremia’s map and Tovma’s short poem creation until our days. Those shifts not only concern extinction of some sanctuaries and putting them out of minds or turning into ordinary historical memorials, but also motives for pilgrimage and corresponding legends around the sanctuaries as well as changes in the shapes of popular worshipping.

Comparison of those data with those of ethnographic expeditions exposes wonderful vitality of some and full oblivion of other sanctuaries. There is no direct connection between the maintenance of architectural constructions and preservation of the pilgrimage or legendary tradition. In one case (Saghmosavank, Tegher monastery, St. Sargis of Vardablur, Ara mountain, St. Gregory of Parpi) the pilgrimage tradition survived until our days together with the dates of the monastery feasts. In other cases (Arshakunyats monastery, Garni monastery, Bashgiparan – pilgrim age of Stephanos) even the places and objects can be hardly identified, and the pilgrimage either ceased at all, or reduced to occasional visits. A special case is the changed name of the sacral place and different character of cult.

The most important shifi is obvious during comparison – that is the goal of the pilgrimage. While in the 17th century people visited sanctuaries to worship sacral relics, in the post-Soviet period the purpose of the pilgrimage is rather to visit the sacral place. On the other hand, sanctuaries, once situated near pathways may nowadays appear far from roads, and those formerly situated away from settlements may appear within new roads and buildings spaces.

Thus, comparative investigation of the materials of the 17th and 21st centuries makes research of the change dynamics in the apprehension of sanctuaries more effective.

Dalalyan T.S., Origin and Use of Musical Instruments According to the Legend Transmitted by Vardan Aygektsi and Hovhannes Pluz,
HAIA, 2021, № 4, p. 48-60.

Armenian medieval folklore works are scattered in literary monuments of different genres. This article focuses on issues related to one medieval legend, which is attested in two works, in general having a moral-spiritual-contextual content. This legend, which has apocryphal sources and content derived from the Old Testament content, explains the origin of musical instruments and comments on their essence. The article also examines some manifestations of the spiritual and ecclesiastical mentality concerning the musical instruments which dominated in the Middle Ages. This mentality, with various changes, has come down to our days and reflected in the cultural phenomenon of dividing the territory of sanctuary into “two cultural spaces”. The full version of the legend is told by Vardan Aygektsi, while the short version is contained in the work by Hovhannes Yerznkatsi Pluz. It is not secret that many of the parables and legends transmitted by Vardan Aygektsi were extracted from the folk treasury. The popularity of this oral tradition is assumed by the fact that in later times it acquired some features of a genealogical myth explaining the origin of one of the sub-ethnic groups of Armenians. Thus, the origin of Armenian Gypsies – Bosha, was confined to it. At the same time, it should be borne in mind that these legends were created in the contact zone, where even in the early Middle Ages the ideological currents belonging to different religions had close contacts between themselves. They were also reflected in apocryphal writings (apocrypha). That is why the mentioned legends can be regarded as a unique merger of folkloric and spiritual texts.

II. FIELDWORK STUDIES

Tcholakian H.M., The Traditional Musical Instruments of Armenian-Populated Areas of Antioch Regionof,
HAIA, 2021, № 4, p. 62-74.

The most popular musical instruments in the Armenian-populated areas of the Antioch region (in the villages of Svetiya, Kessab, Rouj valley, Kurd Dagh and Latakia) were wind instruments, like zurna, kaval, arghur and shubbabi, and percussion instruments, like great and small drums.

These were common in the Arab, Kurdish and Turkic populated areas in Antioch region, although the dance tends to differ greatly from the ritualistic features. Now among those instruments still have their use the drum and zurna, and partly kaval.

Marutyan H.T., Transformation of Several Traditions of Artisanship in Tavush (Based on the Data From Ijevan and Dilijan Cities),
HAIA, 2021, № 4, p. 75-84.

The cities of Ijevan and Dilijan have rich traditions of artisanship, which in different ways are displayed also in nowadays. It takes place in several, parallel to each other directions, in a way creating interesting situations, which are characteristic to current period of transition. The issue is discussed on the example of carpet weaving and wood working. In particular, the fate of “deghnakyunj,” a type of carpet, is examined, which only 30 years ago was a specific brand for the region: it՚s origination, peak, and end is discussed, as well as factors, which directly or indirectly were influencing on the rise and decline of that type of carpet.

Among the artisans, which have a deal with wood, five groups are marked out, which to a great extent is dictated by the demand on the market. It is mentioned, that the traditional types of woodcarving gradually gave way to other technological solutions.

Yeranosyan A.A., Ethnographic Study of Armenian Family Trees: Memory and Visual Discourse of Generations,
HAIA, 2021, № 4, p. 85-92.

A family tree, or pedigree chart is a schematic-graphical (with the help of brackets, lines, aligning horizontally or vertically, etc.) representation of family ties, pedigree history (in synchronous and diachronic sections) in the form of a conditional symbolic “tree”, a genealogical chart, concentric circle chart, the generation directory, etc. As it is known, on the “root” of the family tree the ancestor is mentioned, on the tree “trunk” representatives of the main line of the family (on seniority and through the male line), while on the “branches, leaves, fruits”– different lines of genealogy – descendants are mentioned.

In the Armenian genealogical tradition, direct kinship is considered to be exclusively in the male line։ “descending from father to son”. Among the Armenians, the tradition of the genealogy has been widely disseminated since the 19th century։ a phenomenon that can be explained with an increase in the level of literacy of the population and interest in the history of its own species. Certain typology of genealogical charts of the Armenian genealogical tradition can be identified։ family tree pedigrees (the most common type) and schematic (circular/in the form of charts).

In addition, it is also important to highlight items (documents) the pedigree charts were depicted on separate genealogical books (mostly handwritten); tombstones depicting genealogical charts/trees; reliquaries/Bibles (family trees in the Armenian families are ofien considered to be family relics, preserved at the holy place of the house, as evidenced by prints of wax on some genealogical charts).

And the third, the most important aspect is the chronology of the typology of research object. Conditionally, three periods of genealogical schemes development can be distinguished։ 1. the end of the 19th – the beginning of the 20th century; 2. Soviet; 3. Post-Soviet.

It should be noted that the pedigree trees are an invaluable material for studying the onomastics of Armenians, in particular, the patterns of naming the male line under the influence of different cultural traditions, borrowing non-native names (Persian/Iranian, Turkish, Georgian, Slavic) and generation discourses.

Harutyunyan H.T., Milk and Milk Products in the Armenian Folk Medicine,
HAIA, 2021, № 4, p. 93-103.

Though professional medicine has unprecedental achievements, folk medicine keeps its actuality till the present day. In the rich treasury of the Armenian folk medicine milk and milk products have their special place. This paper seeks to present folk skills concerning the use of milk and milk products as curing means. These skills have been achieved through centuries-old experience and many of them are approved by professional medicine. Ethnographic study of milk and milk products as curing means may have practical significance.

Amirkhanyan A.V., Marinades and Pickles Made of Wild Herbs in Lori and Tavush Provinces (Accordind to Field Research Materials),
HAIA, 2021, № 4, p. 104-113.

During field studies in Lori and Tavush marzes, I have registered more than twenty species of wild herbs that are used for pickles. Pickling products is one of the main components in the traditional Armenian food system. Basically, pickles are prepared in spring and autumn. The material for spring marinades are exclusively wild plants, which are quickly consumed due to the fact that they are difficult to preserve. Pickles from cultivated vegetables are prepared in the fall for the winter, since they have a long shelf life. In the 1970s the emergence of new home-made technologies created more opportunities for improving the quality and long-term storage of pickles, including pickles from wild herbs. The folk tradition of marinating wild herbs has not only been preserved, but has become more important in the culture of livelihood in the early 90s. afier the collapse of the USSR. The gathering of wild herbs in particular is closely related to the changing socio-economic situation in society. Gathering and pickling can have sociological connotations and are a marker of changes in the social status of members of society։ some are transformed into buyers, others into producers of this product. In other words, the gathering sector is being commercialized.

Grigoryan G.A., Elements of Mutual Assistance in the Boundary-Adjacent Villages of Tavush,
HAIA, 2021, № 4, p. 114-122.

Thereby summing up this study on the issue of the ՙՙElements of mutual assistance and help in the northern boundary-adjacent villages of Tavush՚՚, one could state that in the near-border communities certain categories of mutual assistance keep existing by today, playing an essential role in social and family-related communication. Traditional ways of mutual assistance, depending on the changes predicted both by time and situation – the change in economic formation, emigration, the factor of military operations, etc., have faced a whole number of changes. It should be noted that the fact of existence of mutual assistance itself uses to be accepted by the society very positively, and exactly this existence is considered to be as very desirable, and in some cases also even as necessary. That is why there is an obvious need to support and securely manage all the viable forms of this mutual assistance.

As of today, the most common type of mutual assistance and help is the tradition of helping each other in the field of farming, such as joint implementation of various agricultural and farm works (haymaking, harvesting, etc.), joint construction of public or private buildings (construction of residential houses, the raising or restoration of monuments), as well as carrying out the intra-community works (cleaning streets and cemeteries, roads improvement and repair etc.). Mutual assistance contributes and increases the improvement of labor efficiency. Generally, these are friends helping each other, as well as relatives and neighbors providing mutual help. In particular, the elements of mutual assistance have gained wide acceptance afier the privatization of lands, in the form of carrying certain agricultural works. However, afierwards, at later times, this form of mutual assistance has been gradually ousted, yielding its place to the wage labor, while still not disappearing completely.

Aghanyan T.G., Problem of Cultural Ecology and Maintaining of Cultural Traditions in Gyumri after Earthquake,
HAIA, 2021, № 4, p. 123-130.

The article is devoted to the study of the problems of maintaining cultural traditions, ecology and adaptation of post-disastrous Gyumri. Vectors of development of cultural life, the influence of psychological and adaptive recovery of the victims afier earthquake have been presented. We have touched upon issues concerning the cultural ecology of Gyumri city, specific changes of cultural environment and the importance of cultural landscape for people’s health and especially for the development of children’s aesthetic tastes.

Stepanyan G.Y., The Six Months՚ Period of Exclusive Breastfeeding as a Transitional Phase in the Life of Mother and Infant,
HAIA, 2021, № 4, p. 131-141.

The current research is dedicated to the first six months of exclusive breastfeeding, which I consider as a transitional or liminal period in the life of the mother and child. The sources of this research are various mothers’ groups on social media, particularly in Facebook, which I define as universities of motherhood. It is remarkable that mothers in these groups represent breastfeeding in general and exclusive breastfeeding in particular as a journey։ the symbolism of path/journey is closely linked with the rites of passage, for which the journey to the other world (death) and returning (re-birth) with a new status is a crucial aspect. Mothers’ characterizations of this journey are also interesting, e.g. “the most responsible six months,” “the first most important phase,” “a difficult road” the end of which is “an important victory,” “completing the task with honor”. There is also a version of “war” for exclusive breastfeeding journey, which emphasizes the unusualness/extremeness of this period. Interestingly, in terms of discussing the importance and overcoming the hardships, this first six-month phase of exclusive breastfeeding leaves behind other transitional periods of early childhood, particularly first forty day period and even nine months of pregnancy, while the birth act is quite comparable with this six-months phase. This is the reason why the successful completion of the six-month period leaves many mothers with the same sense of content and pride as in case of successful end of pregnancy, i.e. childbirth. In fact these two phases, i.e. pregnancy and exclusive breastfeeding period, are comparable with each other first and foremost as periods of mother and child unity. The key issue of the dis- cussed postnatal period becomes the maintaining of mother and child unity state as in prenatal period mainly through feeding the infant exclusively by mother (with mother’s milk). This principle leads to infant-centered childcare which fundamentally challenges the older approaches still practiced in this field.

Antonyan Y.Y.,“There is no Lack of Khachkavors in Armenia”: the Khachkavor Institute in Contemporary Armenia,
HAIA, 2021, № 4, p. 142-153.

The article represents an ethnographic overview of modern transformations of social functions, practices and a public role of a “khachkavor,” a secular position within the Armenian Apostlic Church. Taken in general, the “khachkavor” is a secular person who takes into his hands the holy cross afier its being immersed into water by a priest during the ritual of Baptism of Christ on January 6th. The overview is making an attempt of reconstruction of pre-soviet and soviet social image of khachkavor and compare it to what it is transformed in the post-soviet times, afier its reinstitutionalization within the Armenian Apostolic Church. In the pre-soviet times, khachkavor is mentioned in few sources as a person who was granted by the honor of taking the cross for which he was competing with other respected people of the community, paid for it, or made donations to the church. Nothing was mentioned about his special functions or a special role in the church ritual, communal or economic life throughout the year. In the soviet times the function of khachkavor was fading away mostly because of absence of acting churches in most of the settlements in Armenia and the Soviet Union in whole. In the post-soviet period, along with openings of churches, the old or the newly-constructed ones the role of khachkavor started to be revived. However, according to the field data, it is recovered as a different character, more important in social terms and more powerful in terms of influence and responsibilities. Once he (usually he, but in some cases it may be a family, represented by its male member) is honored by the ritual function of taking on the cross, from this moment on he becomes an official sponsor of the church for the coming year and obligatory participant of all ritual and community events. Thus, the khachkavor is responsible for the economic and representational coverage for a church. Financial responsibilities of khachkavor can be onerous enough like renovation of the church, financing rituals and events, even covering some personal expenses of priests. To reward, a church may suggest serious improvement of a public image of a khachkavor, promotion of his name and businesses, or a political renomé. Therefore, this position is taken mostly by the affiuent businessmen (ofien migrants), local authorities or politicians who possess resources and need publicity and better image. Due to this, the character of khachkavor is less and less associated with the Holiday of Baptism and in some cases it gets completely out of this holiday ritual framework. Khachkavors are “selected” for newly-constructed churches for their foundation ceremony, for erected monuments such as gigantic crosses or khachkars. In such cases, the sponsoring role of a khachkavor is considered for the construction or yearly community feasts. In fact, the “reconstructed” character of khachkavor is reinvented for people who are ready to exchange their capital and power for public legitimacy and an improved moral image.

Ghrejyan L.Kh., The Current State of the Folkloric and Ethnographic Culture of the Basin of Lake Sevan (According to the 2008 –2015 Fieldwork Observations),
HAIA, 2021, № 4, p. 154-164.

The article presents the overall picture of the ethnographic and folklore culture of the Sevan Basin at the beginning of the 21st century, that is to say, nowadays. Touching upon the settlements of Lake Sevan, we aim to present Gegharqunik region as a whole folk cultural area, whose ethnographic and dialectical diversity of the population has lefi noticeable stamp on its spiritual culture, particularly on folklore, which is distinguished by genre , stylistic and dialectal varieties, as well as abundance of materials.

III. TEXTOLOGICAL STUDIES

Arakelyan S.Sh., The Curse and Blessing in the “History of the Province Sisakan” by Stepanos Orbelian,
HAIA, 2021, № 4, p. 166-176.

Curses and blessings are traditional figurative formulas that have been transmitted from generation to generation and have gained a status of fictional narratives. They are used in their practical meaning today, particularly in the spoken language. The main purpose of curses and blessings is the desire to change the circumstances of their subjects, objects, or situations. In case of being blessed the change of state implies power, abundance and, in the case of a cursing, infirmity, death. Cursings and blessings have long been means of maintaining material and moral values. The societies attributed these to their great value, and the deeper the belief in the fulfillment of the fact that it was still an inseparable part of writing culture as a protective tool from ancient times. The striking examples of these are seen both in pre-Christian and Christian eras and in the writings of the diplomats, literary and artistic works. In this regard the ՙՙHistory of the Sisakan province՚՚ by Stepanos Orbelian is very valuable, as it is unique by its sources and the examples of curse-blessings recorded both in inscriptions and parchment. Curse-blessing is special to all nations irrespective of their ethnic and religious affiliation, from the level of civilization because every cursing, blessing, and their subject has believed in the curse, the power of blessing, and cursed by the curse. And this mythical thinking implies the belief in the power of the supposed magic power, the supernatural ability of the word to have a practical value and significance. A fact which gives us the basis of cunning, blessing, wishes, omens, and charmingpractical folklore to call charming prayers.

Sargsyan A.Sh., Ways of Expression of the Humor in the Armenian Jokes on Funeral Ceremonyin,
HAIA, 2021, № 4, p. 177-186.

Armenian folk jokes on the theme of the funeral ceremony, in addition to the important function they fulfill (i.e., not to lose spirit even in pain and in trouble, remain viable, keep on living and working with joy), are also of great educational value. Being one of the oldest national ceremonies, they have stored and preserved a lot of unique elements of the ancient ritual, which give an idea about lifestyle, customs, linguistic thinking, human relations and other features of the Armenian people living in the past till now. They can provide valuable information for historians, ethnologists and folklorists, linguists and archaeologists, philosophers and other specialists interested in spiritual culture.

Khemchyan M.H., The God Intervention Case-Episode in Armenian Folk Fairy Tales,
HAIA, 2021, № 4, p. 187-198.

From ancient times, the man, dreaming of prosperous life and lifestyle, was asking for it to God, sometimes not out loud. The article reflects God՚s intervention in the actions of the character of the fairy tale. The God’s all-powerful, merciful, educating, punishing and other characteristics are revealed. The religious and mythological notions of the man (from ancient tribal times to Christianity, including Zoroastrianism and paganism) are reflected with various manifestations in everyday and magical tales. As the ՙՙGod is everywhere՚՚ motto, so the name of God always accompanies the character during the whole plot of the fairy tale. During the research the functions of God as a donor and an adviser are revealed. The following forms of donation and advice are presented: a) to give a child to childless spouses or an old woman (often with an animal or plant origin, with a possibility of future transfiguration) upon hearing the character of without a request, to give property to the poor (sometimes through temptations), to give miraculous objects (luminous egg, tablecloth, hat, candlestick, pipe) or animals (horse, tiger, rooster), to give the character with abilities etc.; b) mediated donation (as an old man, dervish, angel); c) helping the character with transformation (transforming him to a deer, a cow, a snake); d) counselling in a dream. Numerous tales of each of the historical-ethnographic regions of historical Armenia (the motives of God՚s intervention to assist the character) are matched with the types of the fairy tales of Aarne-Thompson-Uther classification and equivalent variants are found. As a result of the research it was revealed that the donors, advisers, various assistants, wonderful objects and animals appearing in the right way and the right time to the fairy tale character in the majority of cases were sent by the God.

Melikyan G.E., The Aspect of Femininity in the “Clever Farmgirl” Folktale Cycle,
HAIA, 2021, № 4, p. 199-208.

The article discusses the issue of femininity in folktales. It is well known that women play an important role in the context of folktales. They have devoted folk- tales they tell to the concept of their self-expression, to strengthening their role and place in society. Even in folktales retold by men, women՚s voices still can be heard. Nowadays there is a tendency to criticize classical fairytales for the passive role of heroines in them. Wе consider it to be an issue of unawareness of existence of tales with active heroines. The article analyses ՙՙThe Clever Farmgirl՚՚ cycle of folktales (Tale Type N 875 according to Aarne-Thompson-Uther՚s classification of folktales) with an active heroine. Heroines in these tales are capable of making the most important decisions, standing for themselves and for their families, finding answers to riddles and questions that men could not find answers to. Heroines in these tales are not only beautiful and kind but also inventive, intelligent and brave. They are not at war with society; they are just using their wits and intelligence to get what they desire. By interpreting allegories and solving riddles they reveal themselves, express their thoughts, emotions as well as moral values. Tales with active heroines mostly represent utopian ideas. A situation when a woman could choose a partner for her and when marriage meant love, equality and respect was considered utopian. Active heroines intend to create their own life and to change the rules of the game. In the mentioned cycle the relations between women and men in the form of semantically binary oppositions come to the fore. In Armenian corpus of folktales there are 22 variants of tales indexed as ՙՙThe Peasant՚s Wise Daughter՚՚ collected from different ethnographic regions of Armenia. Almost in all of them the plot is the same with some variations. Girls interpret allegories and formula riddles which meant family life and marriage. According to our research, these tales are feminine in their nature, where women manipulate with the help of their speech and wit in order to win a better position.

IV. HISTORY OF FOLKLORE STUDIES AND ETHNOGRAPHY

Vardanyan S.G., From the History of Study of the Dialect and Folklore of the Islamized Hamshen Armenians,
HAIA, 2021, № 4, p. 210-228.

Samples of folklore written by Islamized Hamshen Armenians from Turkey in the second half of the 19th century and from Central Asia in the second half of the 20th century enriched the treasury of Armenian folk literature. The songs, which were included in the song list of Armenian Diaspora singers, were especially warmly received, and they were also distributed on their CDs by Turkish Hamshen singers.

The folklore written by Armenian and foreign scholars greatly helped to study the unique dialect of the Islamized Hamshen Armenians. But living in a foreign-speaking environment, the number of dialectspeakers is decreasing day by day, so we must hurry to study their dialect, folklore, and publish a separate collection in the near future.

Hayrapetyan T.L., Hovsep Orbeli՚s Activities in Collecting and Researching Folklore,
HAIA, 2021, № 4, p. 229-240.

The Orbeli family played a vital role in political and cultural life of Armenian people. The youngest Orbeli – Hovsep Orbeli was a prominent academician, orientalist and folklorist. Foundation and introduction of many fields of sciences in Armenia as well as development and institution of fundamental problems of Armenian Studies are directly connected with his name.

Hovsep Orbeli was one of the first to collect and study folklore, way of life, beliefs and language peculiarities of Armenians and Kurds living in the province of Moxoene (Moks) of Western Armenia. He accomplished the work directly in the area of origin of folklore sources applying special transcription symbols created by him for the occasion, aiming at fixing correctly the sound and articulation features of the dialect.

Hovsep Orbeli reinterpreted anew international parallels of our heroic epic, emphasizing its originality as well as artistic and ideological values.

The multi-volume academic publication of Armenian folk tales began in 1959 under the general editorship of H. Orbeli, and its aim was to compile and publish the primary sources of the folklore genre of folk tales, their printed, manuscript, integral and systematic heritage. The above mentioned work was carried through grouping and distributing according to topographic and ethnographic characteristics, on the principle of processing textual common rules.

Madatyan V.O., “Azg” as Lineage Organization, Manifestations of Kinship in Tavush (19th – 20th Centuries),
HAIA, 2021, № 4, p. 241-256.

The work reviews the lineage research history in Soviet and Armenian ethnology and reflects on various primary and secondary sources related to kin relations among the Armenians, particularly in the Tavush province. Besides the already well-known manifestations of ՙՙazg՚՚ as lineage and patronymy (villages mainly consisting of kin families, groups of proxy kin villages, lineage based neighborhoods inside villages, cemeteries and cemetery sections of kinsfolk, temporary dwellings of kinsfolk at alpine pastures, visible close relations among the members of kin group such as mutual assistance, manifestations reflections of their community in economic, social and ideological terms) mostly based on the reviewed primary and secondary sources, this paper suggests a closer look on the following:

  1. additional data in which predominates information about the ever known proxy kin villages and groups of kin villages in Armenia and in Tavush. In addition, other unique and hitherto unknown manifestations of kinship relations in the 1960 – 1990s are represented as collected by this author in course of synchronous fieldwork in Tavush and elsewhere. These are:
  2. building of monuments to the founder families (patronymic groups) of
  3. building of separate monuments to relatives among the casualties of the Great Patriotic war (WWII), or engraving their names as contiguously on the communal monuments to the same event;
  4. building of monumental fountains and rest areas dedicated to certain families-lineages;
  5. repeated meetings of dispersed to various places of inhabitance relatives by invitation, accompanied by parties, other memorable events, exchange and correction of information about the common origins and family trees of the invited people;
  6. making of booklets about the history and photo album of the kinship groups, creation of family trees by some initiative members, dissemination of these to participant members and other relatives.

Comparison of these and other related data has convinced the author in existence of important variety among the known types of family trees in various ethnographic regions of Armenia (Tavush, Vayots-dzor), represented in another publication.