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HAIA

Proceedings of the Institute of
Archaeology and Ethnography

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2018 , № 1

Title Pages

Vardanyan L.M., Preface Stepan Lisitsian (on the Occasion of his 150th Birthday),
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 9-10.

Когда нет письменности и письменной истории, люди «записывают» свою
историюустными
эпическими
произведениями.
Но и после
появления
письменности
армяне
продолжали
создавать
эпосы,
представляющие
исторические
эпохи.
Можно
сказать,
что вся история
Армении
была
кодирова23
Տե՛ս Սիտալ Կ., Կաշտի քաջեր. Ամերիկահայ առաջադիմական միություն, 1942;
Russell J., The Heroes of Kasht (Kašti k‘ajer): An Armenian Epic. Ann Arbor, 2000.
425
Հայ ժողովրդական
հերոսական
էպոսը
на последовательными
эпосами.
В статье утверждается,
что армянский
народный
героический
эпос должен
включать
следующие
произведения:
1)
этногонические
легенды;
2) «Випасанк
»; 3) «Персидская
война
»; 4) «Таронская
война
»; 5) «Сасунские
безумцы
»; 6) «Кер-огли
». Псевдонародные
стихи
о советских
лидерах
можно
было
бы также
рассмотреть
в этом контексте.
Архаичные
эпосы
были
созданы
согласно
конкретной
схеме
– генеалогической
последовательности
специфических
героев:
1) божественный
персонаж
или его символ;
2) божественные
близнецы
и 3) «умирающий
(и
возрождающийся)
» герой.
Образы
мифологических
и исторических
героев
были
наложены
на эти мифологические
архетипы.
Ключевые
слова:
армянский
народный
эпос, армянский
фольклор,
древнеарянская
литература,
армянская
мифология.

I. THE ARMENIAN GENOCIDE, SELF-DEFENCE, CANONIZATION

Grigoryan H.G., Shaping the Image of “The Enemy” as Supporting Factors for the Mass Violence in the Context of the Armenian Genocide 18,
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 11-17.

The space between “them” and “us” not always coincidences to simple physical distance: it is formulated based on the value system of the world perception of that culture. Hence, during genocide the moral and psychological rising gap between “the victim” and “the criminal” facilitates the implementation of the crime. The social system of the Ottoman empire of classifying the society according to religious and ethnic features (targeting them in economic, legal spheres, the custom of calling them “giaours,” “rayas”) contributed to Armenians’ quick conversion into “rebels,” “traitors” and “enemies.”

This process contributes to the strengthening of moral and psychological border existing between “the victim” and “the criminal,” which makes the implementation of the crime easier. This is conditioned with the fact that the logic of destroying the enemy when the latter gets alienated and stays out from the moral educational system lying on the bases of the formation of that society is very typical to war or other conflict situations.

Svazlyan V․G., The Heroic Battle of Moussa Dagh according to the Testimonies of the Eyewitness Survivors, 
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 27-40.

In 1915, during forty days, the Moussa Dagh people under the command of Yessayi Yaghoubian, Petros Demlakian, and the Very Reverend Tigran Andreassian fought violent battles against the Turks. During this period, four important victorious battles took place on the heights of Moussa Dagh – Kezeldja, Kuzdjeghaz, Damladjik and Kaplan­Duzagh.

Some of the surviving participants of the heroic battle of Moussa Dagh, the 105­year­old Movses Panossian (born in 1885), Poghos Supkukian – Ashugh (Minstrel – Arm.) Develli (born in 1887), Movses Balabanian (born in 1891), Hovhannes Ipredjian (born in 1896), Tonik Tonikian (born in 1898) and others, who repatriated to Soviet Armenia in 1946­1947, have communicated to us the details of this historical events.

The heroic battle of Moussa Dagh shook the world; it demonstrated the immense capabilities of a handful of people who have heroic traditions and unanimous will power.

Ghaziyan A.A., Andranik: Folklore Character, 
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 41-53.

The character of Andranik, due to his personal features and activities which he had demonstrated during the liberation struggle for his people against the Turkish dictatorship at the end of the 19th c. and the beginning of the 20th c., corresponds to epic, poetic, and folklore ideas.

There are many popular stories, sayings, and songs woven around Andranik’s figure, which were created and widely used in the public and folk life of the Armenian people. These narratives were truthful, yet not accurate.

Such epithets as heroic and brave were worthly endowed to the name of Andranik according to Armenian historical tradition.

Marutyan H.T., Canonization of the Martyrs of the Armenian Genocide as a Cultural Event,
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 54-67.

The article discusses the concept of the “martyrs of the Armenian Genocide.” It can be observed that such an approach is emphasising the religious beginning in the canonization, and, thus, the national and ethnic factor gets diminished. Consequently, by emphasizing the mass murder of Christians, that is the followers of a particular faith, we push back Christians’ national, ethnic affiliation, their national identity; thereby reducing the political value of the genocide. Genocide is actually equalized to “faith slaying,” but it is a much broader phenomenon. Let us not forget that the Armenian Genocide was accompanied with deprivation from the homeland, which in the case of Armenians was direct manifestation of ethnic genocide. These and many other questions show that the proposed solution and the implementation of collective forms of canonization at least need a thorough study at multiple levels.

II. STALINISM: YESTERDAY AND TODAY

Kharatyan H.S., The Forced Relocation of Armenians and the Subgroup of “Turks” in Specific Localities Exiled from the Black Sea Area,
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 65-80.

This article discusses issues related to the relocation of Armenians based on “ethnic origin” during Stalin era repressions, as well as the problems of subgroups exiled by force in 1949. Soviet research materials about Stalin era re­

pressions suggest little if any information about the relocation of 1949, which is better known in literature as “The deportation of the Black sea area”, or “The Greek deportation.” In reality, about half of the deported population was of Armenian origin. On May 29, 1949, the USSR Ministerial Committee made a decision (decision N 2214­856cc) based on which six groups of people where to be exiled: a) Members of the “Dashnak” party (Armenian Revolutionary Federation, ARF), b) Turkish citizens, c) Turkish people with no citizenship, d) People who received USSR citizenship but were previously subjects of Ottoman Empire, e) People with no citizenship and who were Greek subjects, f) People who received USSR citizenship but were previously Greek subjects. Based on the Soviet Ministry of Internal Affairs decision N 00525 the exiled population was supposed to be relocated in the following areas: Dashnaks to the Altai region, Turks to the Tomsk region, Greeks to Kazakhstan.

However, the archival materials prove that the so­called “Turkish citizens,” “Turkish people with no citizenship,” “People who received USSR citizenship but were previously subjects of Ottoman Empire” and even the “Dashnaks” who were exiled from the Black sea area, were predominantly Turkish­Armenians who survived the Genocide of 1915. Most of these people were registered under the title of Turks and were relocated in the area of Tomsk region, hence studies describing these events would, therefore, count these groups as “Turks.”

Abrahamian L.H., Altayan Exile as a Source of Innovations,
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 81-89.

In the article, the peculiarities of the globalization processes of the Soviet period Armenian villages are observed on the case studies of two villages, Gosh and Tatev. Two types of innovation, systemic and occasional, are explored on the example of innovations that appeared in 1950s as a result and by­product of mass exiles of Armenians in 1949. Despite the difficulties of the Siberian life and the traumatic impact of the exile, the oral stories testify that there were a number of cases when the exiled persons, as a result of their everyday exhausting work, eventually gained a certain capital, material one (e.g. seed wheat, bicycles, sewing machines), and cultural one as well (knowledge of the Russian language, different types of technical systemic “know hows,” e.g. tractor driving skills). It is shown when and how this capital could have been involved into the general processes of Soviet modernization or could stay beyond these processes. To better understand the general and particular processes of globalization in a contemporary village one has to observe their possible sources, even if they were based on the traumatic experience of the Siberian exile.

Knyazyan H.A., The Localization of the Monument of Anastas Mikoyan as a “Place of Memory”,
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 90-103.

Yerevan city council resolution of 30 April 2014 was about the erection of a monument to Soviet statesman Anastas Mikoyan in the center of Yerevan. During the stormy fervent public debates around the erection of the monument opinions were heard about where it would be advisable or not advisable to erect the monument. This article is a study of the public discourse on the placement of the monument. Within the research, we attempt to clarify issues on the public discourse about the placement of the monument and the way of expressing and describing this new reality (that is, the emergence of new facts on the Anastas Mikoyan’s activities), thought the communicative memory connections provided by the discourse. We also try to demonstrate how the proposed specific locals of placement connect with “memory of places” within Pierr Nora’s theorethical framework, how the placement of the monument directly indicates and substantiated the arguments “pros” and “cons,” while at the same timպ touching upon a subject who provides arguments.

III. OLD AND NEW REFUGEES/IMMIGRANTS IN ARMENIA

Markosyan A.G., Generation Change Issues in Compatriotic Unions,
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 106-115.

The challenge of generational change in the “Western Armenian based” and “Eastern Armenian based” compatriotic unions on the territory of the Republic of Armenia (RA) is at different stages of development. In the “Western Armenian based” unions the young people are relatively more passive than in the “Eastern Armenian based” ones. The reason is the lack of material resources, peculiarities in perception of homeland, as well as changes in the environment surrounding young people. In turn, when attracting young people, there are also certain difficulties in some compatriotic unions as a result of internal limitations.

Shagoyan G.H., Hakobyan A.A., Khurshudyan V.G., The Pand Pilgrimage as a Paradigm of the Getashen Descendents’ Identity,
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 116-125.

The paper discusses the transformation of the practices and functions of the folk Christianity pilgrimage to the shrine of St. Pand (Pantaleon) conducted by the Armenian population of the Getashen village, which was deported from its homeland in Soviet Azerbaijan by the Soviet troops in 1991. Although the Pand pilgrimage was an important religious practice for all the Armenian population of North Artsakh, its relocation to a new loci outside Artsakh was mainly initiated by former residents of Getashen. At the new places, this pilgrimage was transformed into religious practices of another type: a) memorial dedicated to the warriors perished during the Karabakh war, which at the same time functions as a pilgrimage site, b) means for consolidation of the Armenian community in other­ethnic environment, c) new component of funeral ritպs, d) “home saint,” etc. This variety of transformations proves the importance of the Pand pilgrimage for the identity of the Getashen descendants who try to localize and transform this ritual depending on the new religious demands in the new places of their resettlement, but who nevertheless refer to the common original pre­deportation religious practice.

Ghazaryan Sh.V., The Process of Integration and Naturalization of Armenian Refugees from Azerbaijan (1988 –1992),
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 126-134.

Because of the tense situation between Armenia and Azerbaijan (1988 –1992), followed by the Karabagh war, hundreds of thousands of Armenians were forcefully relocated from Azerbaijan to Armenia.

The one of the most important elements in the process of integration – naturalization, is discussed. This necessarily implies giving up refugee status with all its advantages and disadvantages, and becoming full members of Armenian society, enjoying the rights and responsibilities specified in the law on citizenship adopted in 1995. It is discussed whether the adopted law of naturalization makes easier the process of refugees’ integration into the Armenian society easier, what kind of influences it has on the social perceptions of Azerbaijani­ Armenians and what status they gain.

To study the issues, we have done qualitative surveys with refugees from Baku who are up than 55 years old. They live in dormitories, located in Yerevan, on the streets of Shirak and Artsakh. We also did expert surveys with lawyers and specialists of Ministry of Territorial Administration and Emergency Situations of the Republic of Armenia State Migration Service.

Stepanyan A.A., The Process of Accomodation of Syrian Armenians,
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 135-142.

The article considers the displacement of of Armenians from Syria into Armenia.

As a result of the war in the Middle East, according to official data of 2015, about 15.000 Armenians moved to Armenia from different regions of Syria: half of them have decided to stay in Armenia and the difficult process of adaptation has begun.

The current process makes ethnographical observations possible, these include questions of changing their identity (subethnic identity), adaptation to new conditions, the ideas of the Motherland and Motherland of forefathers, living conditions, contacts with the native people, etc.

The emphasis is on the tolerance of the native people towards the new comers in comparison to the dominant athmoshere during the repatriation of the 20th century, especially during the 1960 –1970’s when, as today, emigration and immigration took place concurrently.

A truthful appraisal of contemporary actions will affect national security.

Hakobyan G.L., Language as an Important Component for Syrian Armenians Cultural Adaptation (an Ethno-Sociological Survey),
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 143-155.

Syrian Armenians have a lot of difficulties adapting to Armenian social­cultural life, but the most important difficulty for adaptation is a language one. The ethno­sociological investigations, which are presented in the article, show linguistic particularities among Syrian Armenians and submit some successful integration processes: when immigrated Syrian Armenians save their inherited cultural wealth from ancestors, simultaneously accept, understand, and try to use Eastern Armenian language.

IV. ETHNOGRAPHY OF MUSEUM OBJECTS

Zohrabyan A.L., The Types of Money and Their Ritual Significance,
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 156-167.

Various types of money have always been used in rituals, magic, and games as objects bearing ideas of wealth and plenty. Seashells and knucklebones, as forms of primitive money, have a similar ritual and magical significance. They were frequently used in divination casting lots, which were eventually replaced with coins. The goddesses of fertility and fortune, were the patrons of this trade. They symbolized the planet Venus, which is presented as a six­pointed star on the crescent. Silver, which was the symbol of the moon, was identified with the bones. The knucklebone with six sides became the prototype of the dice. In Armenian tradition, the game with knucklebones is called “kora,” which means “an ass.” In ancient Mesopotamia, donkeys were a necassary on all the ships for offioading the cargo ashore. In English, the word “deck” means both the horizontal space of the ship, which is above the water line and a pack of playing cards. In Russian Ցցջ is both the ace card and the a single­row boat on cargo ships, which “replaces” the donkey. In a deck of cards, the joker wears a cap with donkey’s ears, identified with the god of trade and divination Hermes, which in the Armenian pantheon corresponds to Tir.

Avanesyan L.S., Manifestations of Compositions and Ornaments of Armenian Carpets in Middle Age Spanish Carpets,
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 168-178.

Armenian carpet­weaving was well­known in the East and in Europe. Carpets resembling Armenian ones were produced in a number of countries, including Spain. The artistic image of Spanish carpets of the 13th –15th centuries is similar to Armenian carpets of Konya and Karachop. Some examples directly recur in separate fragments of Armenian miniatures of the 11th –14th centuries. Spanish carpets were woven in special techniques and were known as “carpets woven in Spanish knots.” Studies of written sources reveal that international political events and developments in trade and economy, that took place in the 10th –14th centuries, in which Armenia was actively involved, were favourable for establishing political and trade relations with Spain. Carpet­weaving experienced a decline at the end of the 15th century, when the Arab rule was overthrown.

Today, in Yerevan, “AVVA” carpet production, led by Gurgen and Gagik Arakelyans, is engaged in making Spanish carpets, which were well­known in the Middle Ages.

Isreaelian A.R., Necklaces with Dragon Symbols,
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 179-192.

Armenian metal (gold, silver, non­precious metals) necklases decorated with dragons were widespread in Karin, Kars, Akhalkalak, Akhaltskha, Aleksandrapol, Bayazet, Sasoon, Moosh, Shatakh, Archesh, Timar, Zealan, Van, Alexandropol, and Tiflis in the 18th–19th centuries and the beginning of the 20th century. The “dragons” on necklaces were caste, while the dragon­shaped pendants were made by casting, engraving, double­threading, granulation, etc.

An example of such a necklace found in Ziviye during archaeological excavations, suggests that the origin of the dragon motif found on neclaces of the 18th – 20th century can be traced back to at least the 7th century B.C. The necklaces with dragons have pendants depicting various objects, such as bees, beetles, fish, the new moon, and vegetation. These have an ideologically connection to the dragons. In Armenian tradition, dragons were represented on objects made of different materials, in miniatures of manuscripts, and on carved stone. The beliefs connected with dragons and the worship of water reservoirs are characteristic to the agricultural peoples, whose subsistence economy was based on artificial irrigation.

Gevorgyan L.P., On the Issue of Promoting of Ethnographic Artifacts and Collections in the Light of Modern Market Relationships, 
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 193-205.

At the turn of the 20th–21st centuries there were complex social changes connected with the introduction of new technologies and market relations. Reorganization of activities of the museum in modern conditions put forward new problems, forced to reconsider some of the traditional approaches to museology, to think of an earning money problem, remaining thus non­profit organization. It is necessary to formulate and introduce new functions which, supplementing existing, define a range of activity of the modern ethnographic museum and commercial and advertising ethnographic exhibitions.

V. BELIEF, RITUAL, FESTIVAL

Khudaverdyan A.Y., Hobosyan S.G., Trepanation in the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages (on Anthropological, Materials from the Territory of the Lori Region of Armenia),
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 206-216.

Cranial trepanation is one of the most ancient operations. The current research attempts to reveal possible defects on the head. These defects are unique. Six cases of surgical trepanations are presented here. Methodical recommendations of foreign scientists has been used to describe these defects.

Khemchyan E.H., The Miracle Factor in the Religious-Ecclesiastical legends of Moks, 
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 217-230.

Touching upon the legends of the Moks region of Van province, the religious­ecclesiastical legends presenting the history of the glorious foundation of the churches and sanctuaries and their miraculous abilities have separated and examined. The legends telling about Moks St. Amenaprkich Monastery Complex that has panarmenian sonority and fame, St. Astvatsatsin monastery, St. Minas church and St. Gevorg sanctuary of Putki were separately analysed. Not only the assimilation of the belief, ritual, customary elements of the pre­christian times with the Christian beliefs but also the unique and logical phenomenon of the mixture of the real, historical and legendary elements under the light of the folk understanding of church­building is brought forward.

Hayrapetyan T.L., The Soul Outside of the Body in Armenian Tales of Magic,
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 231-242.

In Armenian folktales both on the level of the plot and motif, the esoteric notions death and underworld are very popular. According to these, the life or soul is perceived as a material object having certain volume, which can temporary leave the body and exist outside the body while still supporting it with life. According to ancient logic, in dangerous situations it is safer to keep the soul in objects (animals, plants, or other objects) than to carry it in the body.

In Aarne­Thompson­Uther’s type index of tales this plot is found in two tale types ATU–302 and ATU–302B, as the “Heart in the Egg” (16 variants) and “Life Dependent on a Sword” (15 variants), which were popular in different ethnographic regions of Armenia.

In folklore tradition of many peoples the giant does not die when his heads are cut off, moreover, instead new heads appear. Namely, the soul is carefully disguised in one of the heads of the giant and he dies only when all the heads are cut off.

Plots and motifs on the soul outside of the body with different variations were found in myths and folktales of different Aryan and non­Aryan peoples from India to the Hebrides and related to death cognition and search for immortality.

Abrahamyan H.A., The Hisnakats (Forty Days) Feast Epiphany,
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 243-254.

The article is concerned with the Hisnakats fast prior to the Epiphany. The research is based on the manuscript heritage, epigraphical, canonical, and ethnographic sources (dated from the Early Middle Ages to the end of the 19th century) and studies.

The following issues are discussed in the article: the background and history of the Hisnakats fast from the national features and ritual ­ dogmatic viewpoints, duration, and the motion of the fast in the different time periods, the scopes of practice, whether it was mandatory or optional in the monastic and secular frames, and penalties in case of breaking it. The role of the Hisnakats fast in the economic life of people is pointed out.

Dabaghyan A.A., On the Tradition of Raising of Varaz-Trdat, the Prince of Caucasian Albania, on the Shield,
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 255-262.

The “History of 684,” part of the “History of Aghvanq,” has preserved a description of the ritual of raising the prince of Caucasian Albania Varaz­Trdat, a nephew of prince Juanshir on the shield. The same person is mentioned in the “Cosmic History” of the 10th century, authored by Stephanos of Taron (Asoghik), as Varazdat, to whom in 689 the Byzantine emperor Justinian II has granted the title of “Exarch, the Second to the King (Emperor).” Collating these loosely related accounts with various late Roman and Byzantine records of raising on a shield, especially with the account of Theophanes about acclamation of the future emperor Phocas as exarch by the rebel soldiers of the Danubian army in 601 –602, it is possible to conclude that in late 7th century the Caucasian Albania was temporarily incorporated into the Byzantine empire. It is important to note, that the mentioned episode of raising on a shield of the future ruler enriches our knowledge about the course of development of the Byzantine imperial ceremony.

Petrosyan E.Kh., Sudjyan Z.A., Reflection in the “Curtail Form” of the Ritual in the Name of One Plant,
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 263-268.

The paper compares the names of the sacred plant in arm. քոշմորուկ, engl. goat’s-beard, germ. Bocksbart, lat. Tragopogon, rus. Kозлобородник. All the terms are linguistic inscriptions and mean “a bearded goat.” A ceremonial dramatized ritual, with a mummery dressed as a bearded goat called koshmoruk/ koshmar, took place at Christmas, Shrovetide, and weddings. Mummer danced, fell, and rose during the performance symbolizing “death and resurrection.” We suppose, the mummer symbolized the image of the Armenian sunny, bearded god Vahagn and its transformations into a goat and the plant goat’s-beard.

Hakobyan S.H., Funerals that Can Be Photographed and Funerals that Can not Be Photographed,
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 269-278.

Till the 1980’s there were numerous photographs of funeral rituals in Armenia, but with time photography of funerals became forbidden. The funeral is one of the most important events in a person’s life and like other similar events (birthday, wedding, graduation, etc.) it was fixed through photography. However, from the 1970’s photo cameras became more accessible to people and taking photos stopped being solely a medium for documenting one’s rites of passage and, therefor, it became taboo to photograph funerals. At the same time, there is no taboo on video recording or online streaming of this ritual via programs such as Skype of , which shows that the problem is not the visual recording of the ritual, but the way and purpose of recording. In case of photography (sometimes for video recording, as well), people document record the event in order to preserve it, but when we video record or stream via internet we do so in order to communicate rather than to preserve.

Grigoryan S.G., Armenian-Catholic Community of Samtskhe-Javakhk (an Attempt of Historic-Ethnographic Research),
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 279-289.

Since the period of Cilician Armenia, the Roman Catholic Church, under the promises of political and military support, began extensive missionary activities. As a result, in the territories of Historic Armenia, a large segment of the population, avoiding violence and forced Islamization, accepted Catholicism expecting the assistance of the Pope of Rome. Western missionary activities started afier the decline of Constantinople, but the first Catholic center was built in the 15th century in the province Artaz of Vaspouragan.

Afier the end of the 1828 –1829 Russian­Turkish war, according to the Adrianap­ olis agreement signed on October 7th, 1829, about 40.000 Western Armenians who were followers of the Armenian Apostolic church and several hundred fam­ ilies of Catholic Armenians migrated to modern­day Akhaltsikhe, Akhalkalak, Ninotsminda (Bogdanovka), Tsalka (historic Gugark Province), as well as Shi­ rak and Lori regions. The relocation was headed under the Archbishop Karapet Bagratuni of Karin Diocese. In 1829 –1830 the populations, which migrated from the Ardahan and Erzrum vilayets, established about 50 villages in the ruins of abandoned settlments of Javakhk, thus the number of indigenous Armenians is increased by the arrival of Western Armenians.

Today Catholics of Samtskhe­Javakheti are distributed in Georgia’s Alastan, Turtskh, Varevan, Bavra, Khulgumo, Kartikam (the last three are Turkish­speaking Catholics) villages of Akhalkalaki region, and Heshtia, Zhdanovka, Thoria, Ujmana, Asfara, New Khulgumo villages of Ninotsminda region. They are also in Sukhlis, Ghulalis, Tsghaltbila, Tsinuban, Mokhreb (Niokhreb), Abatkhev, and Julgha villages of Akhaltsikhe region; as well as in the city of Vale, half the population of which is composed of Catholic Armenians. They are the followers of the Armenian Catholic Church and the Eastern­European diocese, the prelacy of which is located in Gyumri.

VI. SACRAL PLACE AND CHURCH

Bobokhyan A.A., Sacred Landscape of Tirinkatar on Aragats,
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 290-301.

Archaeological and ethnological investigations demonstrate that three levels of human adaptation – lowland, foothills and upland – existed in Armenia, which we call conventionally call “low,” “middle,” and “high” zones. This “vertical zonality” conditioned the whole way of cultural developments Տf the Armenian Highland. The sacred places and summer pastures of the population living in the lowlands and on the foothills were situated on the “high” zones. Tirinkatar, a recently discovered site on the southern slopes of the Mount Aragats, essentially adds our knowledge of early social processes of the region. This landscape, situated on ca. 3.000 m above the sea level, represents a wide meadow: in 2012 ten monumental stelae called vishap, as a rule, associated with cromlechs, were documented in the central part of the meadow. The area under consideration could have kept its earlier significance as a summer pasture and sacred place also during later periods, as suggested by the presence of medieval pottery, the ziaret, and corresponding folk traditions.

Manucharyan A.G., Sacred Objects from Medieval Saghmosavank,
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 302-312.

The medieval monastery Saghmosavank was not only known for its higher school and the rich library, but also for the Christian sacred objects preserved under its floors. They were nine in number, four of which were crosses, one was a khachkar (cross­stone), two were relics of saints (the right hand of St. Hakob Mtsbinatsi, the finger of St. Hakob Lord’s Brother). There were also two graves which belonged to two noted leaders of the monastery.

Today a part of it is kept in the See of St. Etchmiadzin and another part is preserved on the territory of the Monastery.

Tcholakian H.M., Mount Cassius in Traditional Ancient Beliefs and Folk Tales of Armenians in the Antioch Region,
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 313-327.

This article discusses the Armenians of the Antioch region, whose roots can be traced to Antioch since the times when the territory was part of Tigran the Great’s colony. For centuries, Armenians have been native inhabitants of this region. Their population continued to grow until the 11th century. The increased number of Armenians contributed to the local cultural life, with beliefs and folk tales that they brought with them from the Armenian Highlands. Those tales and beliefs were mixed with those from the local population who were particularly related to the Cassius Mountain area. During the time between the Ugarit Kingdom and the end of Hellenic period, the Cassius Mountain region was considered the home of the gods Baal and Zeus. The temple of the Godess of Antioch was there, as well.

The temple of Zeus, which was located on the high lands of the mountain, during the 4th – 5th centuries was later converted to a Christian sanctuary (or church). The ruins of this temple were called Balloum by the local Armenians.

This area has hosted the pilgrimage of the water festival Vartavar, which has become one of the Five Great Feasts celebrated by the Armenian Church. Locals still refer to Vartavar as Balloum. There were many rituals related to this feast: some of them were water games, others were related to names of wells, like Khot, meaning whale or dragon, arvand, which is a monster that lives near springs and wells (it is described as a horned snake or snake­like monster), a “water girl” in the form of a fish (i.e. a mermaid) and her bathtub, where fishermen visited hoping to see her. All these are strongly related to and inspired by gods and objects of worship from the Armenian Highlands.

Antonyan Y.Y., Two Churches, Two Communities: Social and Religious Context of Newly Built Churches,
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 328-339.

The article examines some questions of the anthropology of contemporary church construction in Armenia. In particular, an ethnographic case­study is addressed, which is not only illustrates realities of religious processes and developments in Armenia, but also provides good opportunities for theorizing on them. The case is about the construction of two churches in the village of Lchashen, Gegharkunik province, belonging to different religions (Pentecostals and Armenian Apostolic Church). In the context of the construction processes the ongoing relationships between two religious communities are analyzed, reorganization of social and cultural positions and statuses is addressed and some differences in religious and cultural perceptions are outlined.

VII. LEISURE

Stepanyan G.Y., The Cafn Environment in Yerevan: Eastern Space with Western Trajectory,
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p.340-352.

The formation of modern city culture is closely related to the development of cafés. Yerevan in this sense is no exception. Except for several cafes/tea­houses established during the first decade of the 20th century, one can speak more precisely about the formation of café culture as part of the daily life of Yerevan starting from 1920 –30s. This is particularly related to repatriation. The role of repatriates, particularly of French Armenians, is to bring the element of European daily life, i.e. coffee drinking and new culture of cafés, to the daily life of Yerevan. Taronatsi indeed succeeds in establishing the element of European everyday life in Yerevan in 1930s as an accessible public space for communication. Such an examination of the role of cafés was the basis for Jurgen Habermas in entitling cafés with the special role for the development of the bourgeois society in Western Europe in the 17th –18th centuries: cafés were original “public spaces” open to everyone, where public discussions and disputes would freely take place. Some of the first café owners in Yerevan and many of the customers were well aware of this element of European everyday life, thus they were successful in establishing a similar environment of public discussions in Yerevan.

Some of the cafés in Yerevan managed to retain this role in the following years under the Soviet rule. Remarkably, Armenians are closely connected with the history of the European café culture. There are evidences showing coffee traces of Armenians in the history of everyday life of Europeans: drinking coffee, which is a typical element of Eastern cultures, is ofien “imported” to Europe by Armenians, which later is Europeanized and a while later the Armenian repatriates «import» it to Armenia as a fashionable element of the daily life culture of Europe.

Ohanjanyan R.S., Leisure Time Structure Changes in Urban residential Areas of the Republic of Armenia,
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 353-365.

In this article, the issues of structural changes in leisure time of the urban pop­ulation of the Republic Armenian are discussed. The leisure time structural ele­ments have been viewed basically from the angle of the involvement of participants in them. Certain changes have taken place in the structure of leisure time of population. The number of TV viewers has not changed essentially and this element occupies the main part in the leisure time structure. The consumption of print produce has decreased. In the sphere of performing arts the increase of the role of cinema and the decrease of interest to theatre is noticed. The changes in amateur and entertaining activities in leisure time structure vary in different localities. Furthermore, the number of participants in religious and festive­ceremonial events has radically increased. These data witness the important role of the recreational and spiritual function of the leisure time in modern conditions.

VIII. PUBLIC DISCOURSE AND BEHAVIOUR

Margaryan N.M., Torosyan M.G., The Interactions of Culture and Certain Contemporary Fundamental Issues in Armenian Public Perceptions,
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 366-382.

The article, based on in­depth interviews and standardized surveys, tried to demonstrate the state of contemporary Armenian public perceptions of culture, under what conditions and factors these were formed, and evaluates what potential do these hold from in terms of solving some nationwide issues.

Manukyan L.H., Some Aspects of Gender Communication Issues in Post-Soviet Armenia,
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 383-391.

The paper discusses some aspects of gender communication problems in daily life of the contemporary Armenian society. Gender communication problems are presented on two levels: spatial and linguistic. Particularly, the paper describes the communication spaces as well as the main topics and linguistic means applied in those places, which, according to tradition, are considered as male (masculine). The masculinization of the places, especially public places causes some complications and obstacles for women’s engagement in the communication process in those places. One of the ways to overcome these issues is the “deterritorialization” of masculine spaces. In other words, to make the masculinized communication domains gender neutral, allowing women to be more active in those spaces.

IX. AGRICULTURE AND GATHERING

Papikian Ch.V., Agricultural Customs in Armenia in the 17th Century according to Historiographers Zakaria Kanakertsi and Zakaria Aguletsi,
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 392-402.

A detailed analysis of the information on political condition and the economics of Armenia, provided by the historiographers of the 17th century, brings us to the following conclusions: Armenia, being under the reign of the Safavid Empire and the Ottoman Empire, suffered greatly under their policy of destruction of the Armenians. The prominent Armenian historiographers of the 17th century (Arakel Davrizhetsi, Zakaria Kanakertsi, Zakaria Aguletsi, Grigor Daraneghetsi) provide a detailed description of the politics, history, and the harsh conditions in the social and economic life of the time, showing empathy to the affiiction of their own nation. Rich ethnographic material can be found in the works of Zakaria Kanakertsi (“Historiography”) and Zakaria Aguletsi (“Memoirs”): being first­hand witnesses, they give an accurate depiction of events, language used at the time, customs and traditions, everyday life, and relation between the church and the common people. The ethnographic information present in these historical texts allow us to recreate the economic life of late medieval Armenia.

Amirkhanyan A.V., Gathering of Wild Fruits in Lori,
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 403-412.

In Lori province, fruits of wild growing plants were used in traditional culinary and medicine. In culinary they were salted (wild apple, pear, loquat), used for preparation of pastila (or fruit rolls), and dried (pear, cornelian cherry, blackthorn). However, during the Soviet period (the end of 1970’s) with the expension of horticulture, the production of salted etibles from the fruits of the wild growing plants greately diminished. More and more wild fruits were mostly used for preparation of confectionaries (preserves, compotes, and juices), which was a result of the availability of sugar as a food product, as well as the introduction of home preserving products.

In the 1990’s the social conditions, as well as the understanding of beneficial properties of wild fruits, more specifically their richness in vitamins and ecological pureness, resulted in the return to traditional culinary (salting and making vodka, drying, and dishes cooked with wild fruits) among the members of local population partly and saw an increase in the gathering of wild fruits (in particular, blackthorn, cornelian cherry, hawthorn).

In the recent years, in the villages along with the traditional diet, there have been trends in the intrudction of culinary innovations (marinated wild apple, immature cornelian cherry etc.).

X. EPIC POEM

Petrosyan A.Y., Armenian Folk Heroic Epic,
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 414-425.

When there is no writing and written history, people record their history through epic compositions. However, afier the emergence of writing, the Armenian mind continued developing epics presenting historical eras. It might be said that the whole history of Armenia was codified through successive epics. In this article, it is argued that the Armenian folk heroic epic should include the follow­ ing compositions: 1) Ethnogonic traditions; 2) “Vipasank”; 3) “War of Persia”; 4) “War of Taron”; 5) “Daredevils of Sasun”; 6) Kyoroghli. The pseudo­folk poems about Soviet leaders might also be considered in this context. The archaic epics were created according to a particular scheme – a genealogical line of archetyp­ al heroes: 1) a divine image or its symbol; 2) divine twins, and 3) “dying (and rising)” hero. The mythic and historical heroes were superposed on these mythological archetypes.

Poghosyan A.K., Aram Ghanalanyan: Writing Down and Editing the Versions of “Sasna Tsrer” (Daredevils of Sassoun) Epic Poem, 
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 426-438.

Aram Ghanalanyan (1909 –1983) made great efforts and contribution in Armenian classical folkloristics during Soviet period. In his folkloristic works an important place is given to “Sasna Tsrer” (Daredevils of Sassoun) national epic as he collected different versions of the epic poem, edited them to modern language, and contributed to their dissemination.

In the early 1930’s, when the scientific publishing of “Sasna Tsrer” was underway and Aram Ghanalanyan joined the great movement of epic collection.

Aram Ghanalanyan was a beginner folklorist at that time, however, he took part in making the original version of the full edition of “Sasuntsi Davit” epic which had a significant historical importance on recognition of our national epic nationwide and international level.

He composed “Davit and Khandut” and “Pstik Mher,” parts of Davit’s branch of the epic.

Aram Ghanalanyan penned two versions of “Sasna Tsrer” – one from Parik Vardanyan of Sparkert, which is “Tlor Davit” and the other “Sasuntsi Davit” from Vardan Vardanyan of Bashkal.

These two versions include new incidents, which replenish Mokats and Vana versions of the poem. Influenced by the contribution of previous folklorists, such as Garegin Srvandztyan, Mher Abeghyan, Hovsep Orbeli, and Karo Melik­Ohanjanyan in the analysis of the epic, Aram Ghanalanyan wrote a several research papers on Armenian national epic poem.

Harutyunyan S.B., The Religious Ceremonial Component in the Armenian Epic “Sasna Tsrer”,
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 439-445.

The religious ceremonial element in the four­branch structure of the epic “Sasna Tsrer” (Daredevils of Sassoun) has not merely expositive value but also appears as an important component in plot creation.

The beginning and the ending of the Armenian epic are outlined with episodes of the ritual of death and termination of the world, thus creating a close model, inside of which the course of the events of the epic progress in parallel with other religious­ceremonial contents.

The traditional structure of the epic is featured in a prologue called “Voghormiq,” where, with Armenian household ceremonial specific stylistic forms of expression, the heroes and heroines that play significant role in the epic are blessed as once living and acting ancestors whose actions form the architecture of the epic.

First, the main conflict, the insider – alien antagonism in the four branches, has ethnic content; ofien it is called not by ethnonyms, but by cross­worshiper (i.e. Christian) – idolater religious terms.

At their birth or maturity, and particularly before crucial fights, the heroes are subjected to ritual ceremonies of initiation which, during the development of the epic events, inculcate them with supernatural­divine charge. (e.g., Sanasar and Baghdasar are being christened or baptized on a tonir; Davit is tested with fire and gold that causes his articulation defect; Senior Mher sacrifices 40 heifers, washes his face with their blood, obtains a talisman, arms and armor, igneous horse, and becomes invincible; Davit lived in seclusion in the monastery Maruta, bathes in the blood of 40 heifers in Katnaghbyur, grows and becomes powerful).

The worship of ancestors ofien manifests itself in its Christian and pagan forms in various episodes of the epic, such as in the prologue “Voghormiq” with blessing formularies for epic ancestors, the popular mourning and ritual of its ending on occasions of the Abamelik’s and Senior Mher’s deaths, liturgy offering with ritual of harissa (national dish with wheat and chicken or lamb) in the hour of wrath or for the souls of the dead, offering of Divine Liturgy by Junior Mher for the souls of all of his ancestors, his tragic dialogue with the graves of his parents, the advices received from them, and other religious ceremonial events.

Being shaped on the ideological basis of ancient myths and beliefs, ritual customs, and subsequent reassessment of the belief and ritual understandings of the Christian new religion, the Armenian national epic almost identically has replicated the vivid panorama of existing popular Christianity with unique co­existence of pagan and Christian realities.

XI. FAIRY TALE

Khemchyan M.H., Gift-Bringer and Adviser Animals in the Armenian Folk Tales,
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 446-457.

In the Armenian folk tales the actions of the principal character are ofien coming with gifi­bringing and advices, with help of which the character is being able to solve his problems. In the article the type of the gifi­bringer and adviser animals is brought forward, under the light of the trinity of the World Tree. The assistant animals in the tales are various: ant, mosquito, bee, drone, hedgehog, lizard, snake, fish, cat, dog, sheep, cow, horse, deer, wolf, fox, lion, dragon etc. Many of the discussed animals have underworld origin, carry within themselves the spirit of the ancestors of the character, are wise, speak human language, can move with supernatural speed, are aware of the difficulties that are on the way of the character to be passed and the means to overcome them, ofien are as a linking chain with real and afierlife. Sometimes the animals are assisting the tale character as gratitude. Thankful animals are introduced into the tales as gifi­bringers and giving to the character the formula to call them later are acting as advisers. Besides that the motive of metamorphosis is very wide­spread that proves the primordial link between humans and animals in the ancient notions.

Vardanyan N.Kh., Fairy Tale Narration Today,
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 458-469.

Nowadays, folklore storytelling gradually decreases not just in Armenia, but in the whole world. Folklorists in various countries document the death of traditional folklore storytelling in their studies. Traditional folklore plots are still alive in very few countries (Japan, India). In some places (Germany, England, USA), the folklorists are trying to resurrect this beautiful tradition, new narrators appear, folklore storytelling festivals are organized, etc.

In Armenia, folklore storytelling is also decreasing and is not as popular as it used to be in previous centuries. Yet the study of 125 new recordings of Armenian folk fairy tales made during last decade demonstrates that there are expert storytellers also today, who continue telling traditional fairy tales in their families, especially for children. Contemporary fairy tale narrators are generally representatives of the older generation and are predominantly women.

XII. MINOR FOLKLORE GENRES

Sargsian A.Sh., Thematic Manifestations of Children’s Humor,
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 470-483.

The nursery humoresque is a peculiar form of folk­lore. The child’s extraordinary way of thinking, his approach to nature and human relationship, “analyzing” of it, his relation toward achievements of the scientific­technical progress are expressed in it. All of this is done through simple and immediate speech, rising sense of the absurd in surrounding people.

Vardanyan S.A., Margaryan H.S., Folklore and Ethnographic Materials in the Vedi Region,
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 484-490.

The aim of the article is to present the results of the scientific mission carried out in the Ararat region. One of the primary goals of our mission was to discover and document the important material sources related to the ethnic composition and the spiritual culture values of the region. Before we discuss our findings, we review the changeable historical situations of the region. We also touch upon the various denominations of the region (Vedi, Vidi, Vihy, Vaydy, Edia).

The region is unique by the continuity of its oral and folklore tradition, as the narrators still retain centuries­old traditions of stories and conversations, the diction, their habits and morals.

Vardanyan S.G., Distinctive Armenian Words in the Dialect of Turkey‘s Hamshentsi,
HAIA, 2018, № 1, p. 491-502.

The Muslim Hamshentsi, which make up the population of more than twenty villages in the Hopa and Borchka districts of the Turkish province of Ardvin, speak the Armenian language predominantly in the Hopa variety of the Hamsh­ en dialect. The article presents 9 additional words which do not appear in other dialects in that form or with that meaning. These additional words are the following: “սիյօղ” (siyogh), “փէթաձաքլար” (petadzaqlar), “քէդալբօչիգ” (qedalbochig), “թուսթէրչիչ” (tusterchich), “գարմէգուցք” (garmegutsk), “բօչքէլօխ” (bochqelokh), “լաթգախ” (latgakh), “փօղօց” (poghots) and “ձիափ” (dziap). The author further discusses several Armenian words preserved in the lexicon of the Turkish­speaking Hamshentsi from the province of Rize.

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